CHAPTER VIII VIKING CIVILISATION
The activities of the Vikings were all-embracing, and before any
attempt can be made to estimate their influence in the various
countries which came permanently under their rule, or were brought more
or less closely into touch with them, some account, however slight,
must be given of Scandinavian civilisation at this time, both on its
spiritual and on its material sides.
For the former aspect we must turn chiefly to the poems and sagas of old
Norse literature, for the latter to the results of modern archaeological
research.
So far as the poems and sagas are concerned it is well to
remember that they were to a large extent composed in Iceland and reflect
the somewhat peculiar type of civilisation developed there at a
period just subsequent to the Viking age itself.
This civilisation differs necessarily from that
developed in Scandinavia or in the other Scandinavian settlements, in
that it was free from Western influence, but this is to some extent
compensated for by the fact that we get in Iceland a better picture of
the inherent possibilities of Viking civilisation when developed on
independent lines.
At the beginning of the Viking age the Scandinavian peoples were in
a transitional stage of development; on the one hand there was still
much, both in their theory and in their practice of life, that savoured
of primitive barbarism, while on the other, in the development of
certain phases of human activity, more especially in those of war,
trade, and social organisation, they were considerably ahead of many
of their European neighbours.
More than one writer has commented upon the strange blending of barbarism and culture
which constitutes Viking civilisation: it is evident when we study
their daily life, and it is emphasised in the story of their slow and
halting passage from heathenism to Christianity.
We need not travel far to find examples of their barbarism.
Their cruelty in warfare is a commonplace among
the historians of the period.
When the Irish found the Danes cooking their food on spits stuck in
the bodies of their fallen foes (_v. supra_, p. 55) and asked why they
did anything so hateful, the answer came 'Why not?
If the other side had been victorious they would have done the
same with us.'
The custom of cutting the blood-eagle (i.e. cutting the
ribs in the shape of an eagle and pulling the lungs through the opening)
was a well-known form of vengeance taken on the slayer of one's
father if captured in battle, and is illustrated in the story of
the sons of Ragnarr Loðbrók himself.
Another survival of primitive life was the famous Berserk
fury, when men in the heat of battle were seized with sudden madness
and, according to the popular belief, received a double portion of
strength, and lost all sense of bodily pain, a custom for which Dr
Bugge finds an apt parallel in the 'running amok' of the races of the
Malay peninsula.
Children were tossed on the point of the spear and the
Viking leader who discouraged the custom was nicknamed _barnakarl_,
i.e. children's friend.
In contrast to these methods of warfare stands their skill in
fortification, in which they taught many lessons both to their English
and to their Frankish adversaries, their readiness in adapting
themselves to new conditions of warfare (_v. supra_, p. 46), and their
clever strategy, whereby they again and again outwitted their opponents.
The same contrast meets us when we consider the position of women among
them.
The chroniclers make many references to their lust after women.
We hear in an English chronicler how they combed their hair, indulged
in sabbath baths, often changed their clothes and in various ways
cultivated bodily beauty 'in order that they might the more readily
overcome the chastity of the matrons, and make concubines even of the
daughters of the nobility.'
Wandering from country to country they often had wives in each, and polygamy would
seem to have been the rule, at least among the leaders.
In Ireland we hear of what seem to have been veritable harems, while in Russia
we are told of the great grandson of Rurik, the founder of the Russian
kingdom, that he had more than 800 concubines, though we may perhaps
suspect the influence of Oriental custom in this case.
Yet, side by side with all this, the legitimate wife was esteemed and honoured,
and attained a position and took a part in national life which was
quite unusual in those days.
In the account of an Arabic embassy to the Vikings of the west
(_v. supra_, p. 20) we have a vivid picture of the freedom of their
married life.
Auðr, the widow of Olaf the White, after the fall of her
son Thorstein, took charge of the fortunes of her family and is one
of the figures that stand out most clearly in the early settlement of
Iceland.
We have only to turn to the Icelandic sagas to see before us
a whole gallery of portraits, dark and fair alike, of women cast in
heroic mould, while the stone at Dyrna in Hadeland, bearing the runic
inscription, 'Gunvor, daughter of Thirek, built a bridge to commemorate
her daughter Astrid, she was the most gracious maiden in Hadeland,'
gives us one of the most attractive pictures of womanhood left to us
from the Viking age.
It must be added however that beside the runic inscription, the stone bears carvings of the
Christ-child, the star in the east and the three kings, and this may
serve to remind us that the age was one in which the peoples of the North
passed from heathenism to Christianity, though the passage was a
slow one and by no means complete even at the close of the period.
It is probable that the first real knowledge of 'the white Christ'
came, as is so often the case, with the extension of trade--Frisians
trading with Scandinavia, and Danes and Swedes settling in Frisia and
elsewhere for the same purpose.
St Willibrord at the beginning of the 8th century and Archbishop Ebbo of Rheims
in 823, as papal legate among the northern peoples, undertook missions
to Denmark, but it was in 826, when king Harold was baptised at Mainz,
that the first real opportunity came for the preaching of Christianity
in Denmark.
Harold was accompanied on his return by St Anskar,
a monk from Corvey and a man filled with religious zeal.
After two years' mission in Denmark St Anskar sailed to Sweden, where he was graciously
received at Björkö by king Björn.
He made many converts and on his return home in 831 was
made archbishop of Hamburg and given, jointly with Ebbo, jurisdiction
over the whole of the northern realms.
Hamburg was devastated in 845 and St Anskar was then appointed to the bishopric
of Bremen, afterwards united to a restored archbishopric of Hamburg.
He laboured in Denmark once more and established churches at Slesvík
and Ribe.
He conducted a second mission to Sweden and his missionary
zeal remained unabated until his death in 865; his work was carried
on by his successor and biographer St Rimbert and by many others.
Their preaching was however confined to Jutland and South Sweden and there
is no evidence of any popular movement towards Christianity.
Gorm the Old was a steadfast pagan but Gorm's son Harold Bluetooth was
a zealous promoter of Christianity.
His enthusiasm may have been exaggerated by monastic
chroniclers in contrast to the heathenism of his son Svein, but with
the accession of Cnut all fears of a reversion to heathendom were at an
end.
Cnut was a devout son of the Church.
The first Danish settlers in England were entirely heathen in
sentiment, but they were soon brought into close contact with
Christianity, and the terms of the peace of Edward and Guthrum in the
early years of the 10th century show that already Christianity was
making its way in the Danelagh.
In the course of this century both archbishoprics were held by men of Danish
descent and the excesses of the early 11th century were due, not to the
Danish settlers, but to the heathen followers of Olaf Tryggvason and Svein
Forkbeard.
Similarly the Danish settlers in Normandy were within a
few years numbered among the Church's most enthusiastic supporters,
and Rollo's own son and successor William was anxious to become a
monk.
The story of the preaching of Christianity in Norway is a chequered
one.
The first attempt to establish the Christian faith was made by
Hákon Aðalsteinsfóstri (_v. supra_, p. 36).
Baptised and educated in England, he began warily, inducing those who
were best beloved by him to become Christians, but he soon came into
conflict with the more ardent followers of paganism.
At the great autumn festival at Lade when the cups of memory were drunk, Earl Sigurd
signed a cup to Odin, but the king made the sign of the cross over his
cup.
Earl Sigurd pacified popular clamour by saying that the king had
made the sign of the hammer and consecrated the cup to Thor.
The next day the king would not eat the horse-flesh used in their offerings nor
drink the blood from it: the people were angry and the king compromised
by inhaling the steam from the offering through a linen cloth placed
over the sacrificial kettle, but no one was satisfied and at the
next winter-feast the king had to eat some bits of horse-liver and to
drink crossless all the cups of memory.
Hákon died a Christian but Eyvindr Skaldaspillir in
_Hákonarmál_ describes how he was welcomed by Odin to Valhalla.
Earl Hákon Sigurdson, nicknamed _blót-jarl_, i.e. sacrifice-earl,
was a zealous heathen, but Olaf Tryggvason after his succession in
995 promoted the cause of Christianity by every means in his power,
and it was largely to this that he owed his ultimate overthrow.
Then, after a brief interval, the crown passed to
St Olaf, greatest of all Christian champions in Norway, and during
his reign that country became definitely Christian, though his rough and
ready methods of conversion were hardly likely to secure anything but
a purely formal and outward adhesion to the new faith.
Sweden was the most reluctant of the three northern realms to accept
Christianity, and the country remained almost entirely heathen until
the close of the Viking period.
The story of the Norse settlers in Ireland and the Western Islands
in their relation to Christianity was very much that of the Danes
in England.
Celtic Christianity had a firm hold in these countries,
and from the earliest period of the settlements many of the Vikings
adopted the Christian faith.
Among the settlers in Iceland who came from the West were many Christians, and Auðr
herself gave orders at her death that she should be buried on the sea-shore
below the tide-mark, rather than lie in unhallowed ground.
Most of the settlers undoubtedly remained heathen--in 996 a ring sacred to
Thor was taken from a temple in Dublin and in 1000 king Brian destroyed
a grove sacred to the same god just north of the city.
But side by side with incidents of this kind must be placed others like that of the
sparing of the churches, hospitals and almshouses when Armagh was sacked
in 921, or the retirement of Anlaf Cuaran to the monastery
at Iona in 981.
In Ireland as elsewhere there seems to have been a recrudescence
of heathenism in the early years of the 11th century and the
great fight at Clontarf was regarded as a struggle between pagan and Christian.
Outwardly the Scandinavian world had largely declared its adhesion
to Christianity by the close of the Viking period, but we must
remember that the medieval Church was satisfied if her converts passed
through the ceremony of baptism and observed her rites, though their
sentiments often remained heathen.
Except in purely formal fashion it is impossible to draw a definite line of demarcation
between Christian and heathen, and the acceptance of Christianity
is of importance not so much from any change of outlook which it
produced in individuals, as because it brought the peoples of the North
into closer touch with the general life and culture of medieval
Europe.
Leaders freely accepted baptism--often more than once--and
even confirmation as part of a diplomatic bargain, while their profession
of Christianity made no difference to their Viking way of life.
Even on formal lines the Church had to admit of compromise, as for
example in the practice of _prime-signing_, whereby when Vikings visited
Christian lands as traders, or entered the service of Christian
kings for payment, they often allowed themselves to be signed with
the cross, which secured their admission to intercourse with Christian
communities, but left them free to hold the faith which pleased
them best.
Strange forms and mixtures of belief arose in the passage from one
faith to the other.
Helgi the Lean was a Christian, but called on Thor
in the hour of need.
The Christian saints with their wonder-working powers were readily adopted into the Norse
Pantheon, and Vikings by their prayers and offerings secured the help
of St Patrick in Ireland and of St Germanus in France in times of defeat
and pestilence, while we hear of a family of settlers in Iceland
who gave up all faith except a belief in the power of St Columba.
On sculptured stones in the west may be found pictures of Ragnarök,
of Balder and of Loki together with the sign of the cross.
Some of the heathen myths themselves show Christian influence; the Balder
story with its echoes of the lamentations for the suffering Christ
belongs to the last stage of Norse heathendom, while a heathen
skald makes Christ sit by the Fountain of Fate as the mighty destroyer
of the giants.
When the virtue had gone out of their old beliefs
many fell a prey to the grossest superstition, worshipping the rocks
and groves and rivers once thought to be the dwelling place of the
gods.
Others renounced faith in Christian and heathen gods alike,
and the nickname 'godless' is by no means rare among the settlers in
Iceland.
Of such it is often said that they believed in themselves, or
had no faith in aught except their own strength and power, while in the
saga of Friþjof we hear how the hero paid little heed to the sanctity
of the temple of Balder and that the love of Ingibjorg meant more to him
than the wrath of the gods.
For a parallel to such audacious scepticism as that of Friþjof
we must turn to southern lands and later times with Aucassin's 'In
Paradise what have I to win?
Therein I seek not to enter, but only to have my Nicolete, my sweet lady that I love
so well.'
For some the way of escape came not by superstition or by scepticism,
but in mystic speculation, in pure worship of the powers
of nature.
Thus we hear of the Icelander Thorkell Mani, whom all praised
for the excellence of his way of life, that in his last illness
he was carried out into the sunshine, so that he might commend himself
into the hands of the god who made the sun, or of the _goði_ Askell
who, even in the hour of famine, deemed it was more fitting to honour
the creator by caring for the aged and the children, than to relieve
distress by putting these helpless ones to death.
One other illustration of the declining force of heathenism must be
mentioned.
It is to the Viking age that we owe the poems of the older
Edda, that storehouse of Norse mythology and cosmogony.
They are almost purely heathen in sentiment, and yet one feels
that it could only be in an age when belief in the old gods was passing
away that the authors of these poems could have struck those notes
of detachment, irony, and even of burlesque, which characterise so many
of them.
The condition of faith and belief in the Viking age was, then, chaotic,
but, fortunately for purposes of clear statement, there was, to the
Norse mind at least, no necessary connexion between beliefs and
morality, between faith and conduct, and the ideas on which they based
their philosophy and practice of life are fairly distinct.
The central ideas which dominate the Norse view of life are an
ever-present sense of the passingness of all things and a deep
consciousness of the over-ruling power of Fate.
All earthly things are transitory and the one thing which lasts
is good fame.
'Wealth dies, kinsmen die, man himself must die, but
the fame which a man wins rightly for himself never dies; one thing
I know that never dies, the judgment passed on every man that dies,'
says the poet of the _Hávamál_, the great storehouse of the gnomic
wisdom of the Norsemen.
'All things are unstable and transitory, let no man therefore be
arrogant or over-confident.
The wise man will never praise the day before it is evening.'
Prudence and foresight are ever necessary.
All things are determined by a fate which is irrevocable
and cannot be avoided.
Every man must die the death that is appointed for him, and
the man whose final day has not yet come may face unmoved the greatest
danger.
This sense of an inevitable fate must lead to no weakening
of character or weariness of life.
Death must be faced with cheerful stoicism and our judgment of the worth of
any man must depend on the way in which he awaits the decree of fate.
Place no great trust in others whether friend or foe, least of
all place trust in women.
'Wommennes conseils been ful ofte colde,' says Chaucer in the _Nun's
Priest's Tale_, using an old Scandinavian proverb.
'Be friendly to your friends and a foeman to your foes.
Practice hospitality and hate lying and untruthfulness.'
With their enemies the Vikings had an evil reputation for cunning and deceit, but when
we study the incidents on which this charge was based--as for example
the story of the capture of Luna (_v. supra_, p. 47) or the oft-repeated
trick of feigning flight, only to lure the enemy away from safe
ground--one must confess that they show an enemy outwitted rather than
deceived.
This aspect of Viking character perhaps finds its best
illustration in the figure of Odin.
His common epithets are 'the wise,' 'the prudent,' 'the
sagacious'; he is a god of witchcraft and knows all the secret powers
of nature and stands in contrast to the simple-minded Thor, endowed
with mighty strength, but less polished and refined.
The development of the worship of Odin in Norway belongs specially
to the later Iron Age, and it is worthy of note that his worship
seems to have prevailed chiefly in military circles, among princes
and their retainers.
The Vikings were guilty of two besetting sins--immoderate love of
wine and of women.
Of their relations to women enough has been said
already.
Their drunken revelry is best illustrated by the story of
the orgie which led up to the death of St Alphege in London in 1012,
when, after drinking their fill of the wine they had brought from
abroad, they pelted the bishop with bones from the feast, and finally
pierced his skull with the spike on the back of an axe.
Of sin in the Christian sense the Vikings had no conception.
An Irish chronicler tells us indeed that the Danes have a certain
piety in that they can refrain from flesh and from women for a time,
but a truer description is probably that given by Adam of Bremen when
he says that the Danes can weep neither for their sins nor for their
dead.
The chief occupations of the Vikings were trade and war, but we must
beware of drawing a too rigid distinction between adventurers and
peaceful stay-at-homes.
The Vikings when they settled in England and elsewhere showed that their previous roving
life did not hinder them in the least from settling down as peaceful
traders, farmers, or peasant-labourers, while the figure of Ohthere
or Óttarr, to give him his Norse name, who entered the service of
king Alfred, may serve to remind us that many a landed gentleman was
not above carrying on a good trade with the Finns or undertaking voyages
of exploration in the White Sea.
Trading in those days was a matter of great difficulty and many risks.
The line of division between merchant and Viking was a very thin one,
and more than once we read how, when merchants went on a trading
expedition, they arranged a truce until their business was concluded
and then treated each other as enemies.
Trade in Scandinavia was carried on either in fixed centres or in periodical
markets held in convenient places.
The chief trading centres were the twin towns of
Slesvík-Hedeby in Denmark, Skiringssalr in S.W.
Norway, and Björkö, Sigtuna and the island of Gothland in Sweden,
while an important market was held periodically at Bohuslän on the
Götaelv, at a place were the boundaries of the three northern kingdoms
met.
A characteristic incident which happened at this market illustrates
the international character of the trade done there.
On a certain occasion a wealthy merchant named Gille (the name is Celtic),
surnamed the Russian because of his many journeys to that country, set
up his booth in the market and received a visit from the Icelander Höskuldr
who was anxious to buy a female slave.
Gille drew back a curtain dividing off the inner part
of the tent and showed Höskuldr twelve female slaves.
Höskuldr bought one and she proved to be an Irish king's daughter
who had been made captive by Viking raiders.
The chief exports were furs, horses, wool, and fish while the imports
consisted chiefly in articles of luxury, whether for clothing or
ornament.
There was an extensive trade with the Orient in all such
luxuries and the Vikings seem eagerly to have accumulated wealth of
this kind.
When Limerick was re-captured by the Irish in 968, they
carried off from the Vikings 'their jewels and their best property, and
their saddles beautiful and foreign (probably of Spanish workmanship),
their gold and their silver: their beautifully woven cloth of all
colours and all kinds: their satins and silken cloths, pleasing and
variegated, both scarlet and green, and all sorts of cloth in like
manner.'
They captured too 'their soft, youthful, bright, matchless
girls: their blooming silk-clad young women: and their active, large,
and well formed boys.'
Such captives whether made by Irish from Norsemen or Norsemen from Irish would certainly
be sold as slaves, for one of the chief branches of trade in those
days was the sale as slaves of those made prisoner in war.
The expansion of Scandinavian trade took place side by side with,
rather than as a result of, Viking activity in war.
There is evidence of the presence of traders in the Low Country
early in the 9th century, and already in the days of St Anskar we hear
of a Swedish widow of Björkö who left money for her daughter
to distribute among the poor of Duurstede.
Jómsborg was established to protect and increase Scandinavian trade at Julin, and there were
other similar trading centres on the southern and eastern shores
of the Baltic.
The Viking might busy himself either with war or trade, but whatever
his occupation, living as he did in insular or peninsular lands, good
ships and good seamanship were essential to his livelihood.
Seamen now often abandoned that timid hugging of
the coast, sailing only by day time and in fair weather, which characterised
the old Phoenician traders, and boldly sailed across the uncharted
main with no help save that of the sun and stars by which to steer
their course.
It was this boldness of spirit alone which enabled them
to reach the lonely Faroes, the distant Shetlands and Orkneys, and the
yet more remote Iceland.
Irish monks and anchorites had shown similar fearlessness, but their
bravery was often that of the fanatic and the mystic rather than the
enterprise of the seaman.
Boldness of seamanship led to boldness in exploration.
From Iceland the Vikings sailed to Greenland, and by the
year 1000 had discovered Vinland, the N.E. part of North America.
Ottarr rounded the North Cape and sailed the White Sea in the 9th
century, while Harold Hardrada in the 11th century made a voyage of
Polar exploration.
Of their ships we know a good deal both from the sagas and from the
remains of actual ships preserved to us.
The custom of ship-burial, i.e. burial in a ship over which a grave chamber,
covered with a how or mound, was erected, was common in the Viking
age, and several such ships have been discovered.
The two most famous are those of Gokstad and Oseberg, both found on the shores
of Christiania Fjord.
The Gokstad vessel is of oak, clinker-built, with seats for sixteen
pairs of rowers, and is 28 ft. long and 16 ft. broad amidships.
It dates from about 900, and in form and workmanship
is not surpassed by modern vessels of a similar kind.
There is a mast for a single sail, and the rudder, as always in those days, is
on the starboard side.
The gunwale was decorated with a series of shields
painted alternately black and gold.
The appearance of the vessel when fully equipped can
perhaps best be judged from the pictures of Viking ships to be seen in
the Bayeux tapestry.
There we may note the parti-coloured sail with
its variegated stripes, and the rich carving of stem and stern.
These magnificent sails were a source of much pride
to their possessors, and the story is told of Sigurd Jerusalem-farer
that on his way home from Jerusalem to Constantinople he lay for half-a-month
off Cape Malea, waiting for a side wind, so that his sails
might be set lengthwise along the ship and so be better seen by those
standing on shore as he sailed up to Constantinople.
The stem often ended in a dragon's head done over with gold, whilst the stern was
frequently shaped like a dragon's tail, so that the vessel itself was
often called a dragon.
The Oseberg ship is of a different type.
The gunwale is lower and the whole vessel is flatter and broader.
It is used as the grave-chamber of a woman, and the whole appearance of the vessel,
including its richly carved stem, indicates that it was used in
calm waters for peaceful purposes.
The story of the escape of Hárek of Thjotta through Copenhagen Sound
after the battle of Helgeäa in 1018 illustrates the difference between
a trading-ship and a ship of war.
Hárek struck sail and mast, took down the vane, stretched a grey tent-cloth over
the ship's sides, and left only a few rowers fore and aft.
The rest of the crew were bidden lie flat so that they might not be seen, with
the result that the Danes mistook Hárek's war-galley for a trading-vessel
laden with herrings or salt and let it pass unchallenged.
[Illustration: _PLATE I_ Viking ship from the Bayeux Tapestry]
In the last years of the Viking period ships increased greatly both in
size and number.
Olaf Tryggvason's vessel, the _Long Serpent_, in which
he fought his last fight at Svoldr, had thirty benches of oars, while
Cnut the Great had one with sixty pairs of oars.
This same king went with a fleet of some fourteen hundred vessels
to the conquest of Norway.
In battle the weapons of defence were helmet, corselet and shield.
The shields were of wood with a heavy iron boss in the centre.
The corselets were made of iron rings, leather,
or thick cloth.
The weapons of offence were mainly sword, spear and battle-axe.
The sword was of the two-edged type and usually had a shallow
depression along the middle of the blade, known as the blood-channel.
Above, the blade terminated in a narrow tang, bounded at either
end by the hilts.
Round the tang and between the hilts was the handle of wood, horn, or
some similar material, often covered with leather, or occasionally
with metal.
Above the upper hilt was a knob, which gave the sword
the necessary balance for a good steady blow.
Generally the knob and the hilts were inlaid with silver, bronze,
or copper-work.
The battle-axe, the most characteristic of Viking
weapons, was of the heavy broad-bladed type.
Next to warfare and trade, the chief occupation of the Viking was
farming, while his chief amusement was the chase.
At home the Viking leader lived the life of an active country
gentleman.
His favourite sport was hawking, and one of the legendary
lives of St Edmund tells how Ragnarr Loðbrók himself was driven by
stress of storm to land on the East Anglian coast, receiving a hospitable
welcome from the king, but ultimately meeting death at the hands
of the king's huntsman who was jealous of his prowess as a fowler.
Of the social organisation of the Vikings it is impossible to form a
very definite or precise picture.
We have in the laws of the Jómsborg settlement (_v. supra_, p. 71) the rule of
life of a warrior-community, but it would be a mistake to imagine that
these laws prevailed in all settlements alike.
The general structure of their society was aristocratic rather than democratic, but within
the aristocracy, which was primarily a military one, the principle
of equality prevailed.
When asked who was their lord, Rollo's men answered 'We have no lord,
we are all equal.'
But while they admitted no lord, the Vikings were
essentially practical; they realised the importance of organised
leadership, and we have a succession of able leaders mentioned in the
annals of the time, to some of whom the title king was given.
These kings however are too numerous, and too many
of them are mentioned together, for it to be possible to give the
term king in this connexion anything like its usual connotation.
It would seem rather to have been used for any prince of the royal house,
and it was only when the Vikings had formed fixed settlements and
come definitely under Western influence that we hear of kings in
the ordinary territorial sense--kings of Northumbria, Dublin, Man and
the Isles, or East Anglia.
We hear also of _jarls_ or earls, either as Viking leaders or as
definite territorial rulers, as for example the Orkney-earls and more
than one earl who is mentioned as ruling in Dublin, but these earls
usually held their lands under the authority of a king.
By the side of kings and earls mention is made both in the
Danelagh and also in the Western Islands of _lawmen_.
It is difficult exactly to define their position and function.
Originally these men were simply experts in the law who expounded it in the popular _thing_
or assembly, and were the spokesmen of the people as against the
king and the court, but sometimes they assumed judicial functions,
acting for example in Sweden as assessors to the king, who was supreme
judge.
In their home life we find the same strange mixture of civilisation
and barbarism which marks them elsewhere.
Their houses were built of timber, covered with clay.
There was no proper hearth and the smoke from the fire made its way out as best
it could through the turf-covered roof.
The chief furniture of the room consisted in beds,
benches, long tables and chests, and in the houses of the rich these
would at the close of our period often be carved with stories from the
old heroic or mythologic legends, while the walls might be covered with
tapestry.
Prominent in the chieftain's hall stood the carved pillars
which supported his high-seat and were considered sacred.
When some of the settlers first sailed to Iceland they
threw overboard their high-seat pillars which they had brought with
them, and chose as the site of their new abode the place where these
pillars were cast ashore.
In clothing and adornment there can be no question that our Viking
forefathers had attained a high standard of luxury.
Any visitor to the great national museums at Copenhagen, Stockholm
or Christiania must be impressed by the wealth of personal ornaments
displayed before him: magnificent brooches of silver and bronze,
arm-rings and neck-rings of gold and silver, large beads of silver, glass,
rock-crystal, amber and cornelian.
At one time it was commonly assumed that these ornaments,
often displaying the highest artistic skill, were simply plunder taken
by the Vikings from nations more cultured and artistic than themselves,
but patient investigation has shown that the majority of them were
wrought in Scandinavia itself.
[Illustration: _PLATE II_ Ornaments of the Viking period]
The most characteristic of Viking ornaments is undoubtedly the brooch.
It was usually oval in shape and the concave surface was covered with
a framework of knobs and connecting bands, which divided it into a
series of 'fields' (to use a heraldic term), which could themselves
be decorated with the characteristic ornamentation of the period.
The commonest form of oval brooch was that with
nine knobs on a single plate, but in the later examples the plate
is often doubled.
The brooches themselves were of bronze, the knobs
usually of silver with silver wire along the edge of the brooch.
These knobs have now often disappeared and the bronze has become dull
with verdigris, so that it is difficult to form an idea of their original
magnificence.
The oval brooches were used to fasten the outer mantle
and were usually worn in pairs, either on the breast or on the shoulders,
and examples of them have been found from Russia in the East to
Ireland on the West.
Other types of brooch are also found--straight-armed,
trilobed and round.
Such brooches were often worn in the middle of the bosom a little below
the oval ones.
Other ornaments beside brooches are common--arm-rings, neck-rings, pendants.
One of the most interesting of the pendants is a
ring with a series of small silver Thor's hammers which was probably
used as a charm against ill-luck.
All these ornaments alike are in silver rather than gold, and it has been said
that if the post-Roman period of Scandinavian archaeology be called
the age of Gold, the Viking period should be named the age of Silver.
The style of ornamentation used in these articles of personal adornment
as well as in objects of more general use, such as horse-trappings, is
that commonly known to German archaeologists as _tier-ornamentik_, i.e.
animal or zoomorphic ornamentation.
This last translation may sound pedantic but it is the most accurate description
of the style, for we have no attempt to represent the full form
of any animal that ever had actual existence; rather we find the various
limbs of animals--heads, legs, tails--woven into one another in fantastic
design in order to cover a certain surface-area which requires
decoration.
'The animals are ornaments and treated as such.
They are stretched and curved, lengthened and shortened, refashioned, and
remodelled just as the space which they must fill requires.'
This style was once called the 'dragon-style,' but the term is misleading
as there is no example belonging to the Viking period proper of any
attempt to represent a dragon, i.e. some fantastic animal with wings.
Such creatures belong to a later period.
The zoomorphic style did not have its origin during the Viking
period.
It is based on that of a preceding period in the culture of
the North German peoples, but it received certain characteristic
developments at this time, more especially under the influence of
Irish and Frankish art.
Irish art had begun to influence that of Scandinavia even before the Viking period
began, and the development of intercourse between North and West greatly
strengthened that influence.
To Frankish influence were due not only certain developments
of _tier-ornamentik_ but also the use of figures from the plant-world
for decorative purposes.
One of the finest brooches preserved to us from this period is of Frankish workmanship--a
magnificent trilobed brooch of gold with acanthus-leaf ornamentation.
This leaf-work was often imitated by Scandinavian craftsmen
but the imitation is usually rude and unconvincing.
Traces are also to be found of Oriental and more especially of Arabic influence
in certain forms of silver-ornamentation, but finds of articles
of actual Eastern manufacture are more common than finds of
articles of Scandinavian origin showing Eastern influences in their
workmanship.
Buried treasure from the Viking period is very common.
It was a popular belief, sanctioned by the express
statement of Odin, that a man would enjoy in Valhalla whatsoever he
had himself buried in the earth.
Another common motive in the burial of treasure was doubtless
the desire to find a place of security against robbery and plunder.
Treasure thus secreted would often be lost sight of at the owner's
death.
To the burial-customs of the Viking period also we owe much of
our knowledge of their weapons, clothing, ornaments and even of their
domestic utensils.
The dead were as a rule cremated, at least during the earlier part of
the Viking period.
The body burned or unburned was either buried in a
mound of earth, forming a 'how,' or was laid under the surface of the
ground, and the grave marked by stones arranged in a circle, square,
triangle or oval, sometimes even imitating the outlines of a ship.
The 'hows' were often of huge size.
The largest of the three 'King's hows' at Old Upsala is 30 ft. high and 200
ft. broad.
A large how was very necessary in the well-known ship-burial
when the dead man (or woman) was placed in a grave-chamber on board
his ship and the ship was drawn on land and buried within a how.
Men and women alike were buried in full dress, and the men usually
have all their weapons with them.
In the latter case weapons tend to take the place of articles of
domestic use such as are found in the graves of an earlier period, and
the change points to a new conception of the future life.
It is now a life in which warriors feast with Odin in
Valhalla on benches that are covered with corselets.
A careful examination of Norwegian graves has
proved fairly definitely the existence of the custom of 'suttee' during
the Viking period, and the evidence of the Arab historian Ibn Fadhlan
seems to show that the same custom prevailed among the Rûs.
Horses, dogs, hawks and other animals were often buried
with their masters, and the remains of such, burned or unburned, have
frequently been found.
The varying customs attending burial are happily illustrated in the
two accounts preserved to us of the burial of king Harold Hyldetan,
who died c. 750.
The accounts were written down long after the actual
event, but they probably give us a good picture of familiar incidents
in burial ceremonies of the Viking period.
One account (in a late saga) tells how, on the morrow of the great
fight at Bravalla, king Ring caused search to be made for the body of
his kinsman Harold.
When the body was found, it was washed and placed
in the chariot which Harold used in the fight.
A large mound was raised and the chariot was drawn into the mound by
Harold's own horse.
The horse was now killed and Ring gave his own
saddle to Harold, telling him that he might ride or drive to Valhalla
just as it pleased him best.
A great memorial feast was held, and Ring bade his warriors and
nobles throw into the mound large rings of gold and silver and good
weapons before it was finally closed.
The other account (in Saxo) tells how Ring harnessed his own horse to
Harold's chariot and bade him drive quickly to Valhalla as the best in
battle, and when he came to Odin to prepare goodly quarters for friend
and foe alike.
The pyre was then kindled and by Ring's command the
Danes placed Harold's ship upon it.
When the fire destroyed the body, the king commanded his followers to walk round
the pyre and chant a lament, making rich offerings of weapons,
gold and treasure, so that the fire might mount the higher in honour
of the great king.
So the body was burned, the ashes were collected,
laid in an urn and sent to Leire, there to be buried with the horse
and the weapons in royal fashion.
There are many curious coincidences of detail between these accounts
and that given by Ibn Fadhlan of the burial of a Rûs warrior, and
every detail of them has at one time or another been confirmed by
archaeological evidence.
[Illustration: _PLATE III_ The Jellinge stone]
The dead were commemorated by the how itself, but _bautasteinar_,
i.e. memorial stones, were also erected, either on the how or, more
commonly, elsewhere.
In course of time these monuments came to be
inscribed with runes.
Usually the inscription is of the most formal type, giving the name of the dead person,
the name of the man who raised the memorial, and sometimes also that
of the man who carved the runes.
Occasionally there is some more human touch as in the wording
of the Dyrna runes (_v. supra_, p. 85), and in the latter part of the
Viking period we often find pictures and even scenes inscribed on
the stones.
This is true of the Dyrna stone (_v. supra_, p. 86): the
Jellinge stone has a figure of Christ on it, while there is a famous
rock-inscription in Sweden representing scenes from the Sigurd-story
(Regin's smithy, hammer, tongs and bellows, Sigurd piercing Fafnir with
his sword, the birds whose speech Sigurd understood) encircled by a
serpent (Fafnir) bearing a long runic inscription.
The runic alphabet itself was the invention of an earlier age.
It is based chiefly on the old Roman alphabet with such modifications
of form and symbol as were necessitated by the different sounds in the
Teutonic tongues and by the use of such unyielding materials as wood and
stone.
Straight lines were preferred to curved ones and sloping to horizontal.
During the Viking period it was simplified, and runic inscriptions
are found from the valley of the Dnieper on the east to Man in
the west, and from Iceland on the north to the Piraeus in the south.
End of Chapter VIII
CHAPTER IX SCANDINAVIAN INFLUENCE IN THE ORKNEYS, SHETLANDS,
THE WESTERN ISLANDS AND MAN
Of all the countries visited by the Vikings it is undoubtedly the
British Isles which bear most definitely the marks of their presence.
The history and civilisation of Ireland, the Orkneys and Shetlands, the
Western Islands and Man, Scotland and England, were profoundly affected
by the Viking movement, and its influence is none the less interesting
because it varies greatly from place to place, in both character and
intensity.
These variations are doubtless due in part to differences
of political and social organisation as between Norsemen and Danes,
or between men coming from scattered districts of the as yet loosely
co-ordinated kingdoms of Denmark and Norway, but their chief cause lies
in the wide divergences in the social and political conditions of the
lands in which they settled.
The Orkneys and the Shetlands were settled by the Norsemen earlier than
any other part of the British Isles and they formed part of the Norse
kingdom till 1468.
It is not surprising therefore that the great Norse
historian Munch describes them as _ligesaa norskt som Norge selv_,
'as Norse as Norway itself.'
The old Norse speech was still spoken there by a few people until the end of the
18th century, and we have a version of the ballad of _King Orfeo_ taken
down from recital at the close of that century with the Norse refrain
still preserved '_Scowan ürla grün--Whar giorten han grün oarlac_,'
i.e. probably _Skoven årle grön--Hvor hjorten han går årlig_ = 'Early
green's the wood--where the hart goes yearly.'
Place-nomenclature is almost entirely Norse and the
modern dialects are full of Norse words.
Several runic inscriptions have been found, the most famous being that
at Maeshowe in Hrossey, made by Norse crusaders when they wintered
there in 1152-3 and amused themselves by breaking open the how, probably
to look for treasure, and scoring their runes on the walls of the grave-chamber.
In the system of landholding the 'udallers' are an interesting
survival of the old Norse freeholders.
'The Udaller held his land without condition or limitation
in any feudal sense,' says Mr Gilbert Goudie, i.e. he held his _udal_
on precisely the same free terms that the native Norseman did his
_óðal_.
From the Shetlands and the Orkneys the Norsemen crossed to the
Scottish mainland.
Sutherland (i.e. the land south of the Orkneys), Caithness, Ross and Cromarty are full of Norse
place-names, and Norse influence may be traced even further south.
The Hebrides were also largely influenced by the Norsemen.
Together with Man they formed a Norse kingdom down
to the middle of the 13th century.
Many of the islands themselves and their chief physical
features bear Norse names, many personal names (e.g. MacAulay, son of
Aulay or Olaf) are of Norse origin, and there are many Norse words in
the Gaelic both of the islands, and the mainland.
These words have undergone extensive changes and much corruption
in a language very different in form and sounds from that of
their original source, and their recognition is a difficult problem.
There is at present a danger of exaggerating this Norse element, the existence
of which was long overlooked.
Similarly, affinities have been traced between Scandinavian
and Gaelic popular tales and folk-lore, but the evidence is too vague
and uncertain to be of much value.
It is however in Man that we get the most interesting traces of the
presence of the Norsemen.
Here as elsewhere we have place-names and personal names bearing witness to their presence,
but we have much else besides.
Some 26 rune-inscribed crosses have been preserved to us.
The crosses are Celtic in form and to a large
extent in ornament also, but we find distinct traces of the Scandinavian
animal-ornamentation.
The inscriptions are short and for the most part
give only the name of the memorial-raiser and the memorised.
One bears the rune-writer's own proud boast 'Gaut made this and all in Man.'
More interesting than the runes are the sculptured figures.
On four of the crosses we have representations of incidents from the Sigurd
story--Sigurd slaying Fafnir, Sigurd roasting Fafnir's heart and
cooling his fingers in his mouth after trying too soon if the heart was
done, Loki slaying the Otter.
We also have pictures of Thor's adventure with the serpent of
Miðgarðr and of Odin's last fight with Fenrir's Wolf.
These sculptured stones are probably among the latest of those
found in Man and have their chief parallel in stones found in Sweden
(_v. supra_, p. 111).
Possibly it was to settlers from Man also that we owe the famous
Gosforth cross in Cumberland with its picture of Thor's fishing for the
serpent.
In addition to all this we have the Manx legal system as a standing
witness to Norse influence.
The chief executive and legislative authority in the island (after the Governor)
is the Tynwald Court.
That court takes its name from the Old Norse _Þing-völlr_, the
plain where the _Þing_ or popular assembly meets, and the House of
Keys, which is the oldest division of the court, consisted originally
of 24 members, a number perhaps due to Scandinavian influence, being
a combination of two groups of 12 lawmen (_v. supra_, p. 103).
These men who have the 'keys of the law' in their
bosom closely resemble the 'lawmen' or speakers of the Icelandic
assembly.
All laws to be valid must be promulgated from the Tynwald
Hill which corresponds to the _lögberg_ or law-hill of the Icelandic
_althing_.
When the court is held the coroner 'fences' it against all
disturbance or disorder, just as in the old Norwegian Gulathing we
hear of _vé-bönd_ or sanctuary-ropes drawn around the assembly.
It was possibly from Man that a good number of the Norse settlers in
Cumberland, Westmorland and North Lancashire came (_v. infra_, pp.
126-7), and others may have settled in Galloway.
End of Chapter IX
CHAPTER X SCANDINAVIAN INFLUENCE IN IRELAND
At the time of the Viking invasion of Ireland the various provincial
kingdoms were held in loose confederation under the authority of the
_ardrí_ or high king, but these kingdoms stood in constantly shifting
relations of friendship and hostility towards one another, and were
themselves often split into factions under rival chieftains.
There was no national army like the English _fyrd_.
Rather it consisted of a number of tribes, each commanded by its
own chief, and though the chief owed allegiance to the king, the bond
was a frail one.
The tribe was further divided into _septs_ and the army
was utterly lacking in any cohesive principle.
It is no wonder that for many years the Irish showed themselves quite unable to cope with
the attacks of forces so well organised as those of the Norse and Danish
Vikings.
In vivid contrast to the chaos in political and military organisation
stand the missionary enthusiasm of the Irish church and the high
level of education and culture which prevailed among her clergy and
_literati_.
In the Orkneys and the Shetlands such names as Papa Westray
or Papa Stronsay bear witness to the presence of Irish priests or
_papae_ as the Norsemen called them.
Irish anchorites had at one time settled in the Faroes (_v. supra_, p. 6),
and when the Norsemen first settled in Iceland (c. 870) they found Irish
monks already there.
The monastic schools of Ireland were centres of
learning and religious instruction for the whole of Western Europe,
while Irish missionaries had founded monasteries in Italy, Switzerland,
Germany and France.
Unfortunately religion and culture seem to have been almost entirely
without influence on the body politic, and as the Vikings had at least
in the early days no respect for the religion or the learning of the
Irish nation there was nothing to prevent them from devastating Irish
monasteries and carrying off the stores of treasured wealth which
they contained.
No plunder was more easily won, and it was only when
they themselves had fallen under Christian influences and had come
to appreciate Irish literary and artistic skill that they showed
themselves more kindly disposed towards these homes of learning.
One feature must at once strike the observer who compares the Viking
settlements in Ireland with those in England, viz. that Viking
influence in Ireland is definitely concentrated in the great coast
towns--Dublin, Wexford, Waterford, Cork and Limerick--and the districts
immediately around them.
Irish place-nomenclature bears very definite witness to this fact.
_Ford_ in Strangford and Carlingford Loughs, Waterford and Wexford is O.N. _fjorðr_, a
fjord, -_low_ in Arklow and Wicklow is O.N. _ló_, 'low-lying, flat-grassland,
lying by the water's edge.'
The O.N. _ey_, an island, is found in Lambey, Dalkey, Dursey
Head, Ireland's Eye (for Ireland's Ey), Howth is O.N. _höfuð_, 'a
head,' Carnsore and Greenore Point contain O.N. _eyrr_, 'a sandy point
pushing out into the sea.'
Smerwick contains the familiar O.N. _vík_ a bay or creek, while the Copeland Islands
off Belfast lough are the O.N. _kaupmannaeyjar_, 'the merchants' islands.'
All these are found on or off the coast, while the number of Scandinavian
names found inland is extremely limited.
The most interesting perhaps is Leixlip on the
Liffey, a name derived from O.N. _laxahlaup_, 'salmon-leap.'
Donegal, Fingall and Gaultiere are Celtic names, but
they mark the presence of the northern _Gall_ or foreigners, while
the -_ster_ in Ulster, Leinster and Munster is O.N. -_staðir_ (pl.
of -_staðr_, place, abode) suffixed to the old Gaelic names of these
provinces.
There was free intermarriage between Norse and Irish (_v. supra_, p.
56), but the strength of the clan-system kept the races distinct and
there was no such infiltration of the whole population as took place
in the English Danelagh.
This system prevented any such settlement of Norsemen upon their own farms as took place
in England, and the invaders lived almost entirely in the coast
towns and the districts in their immediate neighbourhood, busying
themselves with trade and shipping.
Though the settlements were limited in their extent, we must not
underrate their influence on Irish history generally.
They gave the impetus there, as elsewhere, to the growth
of town life, and from the period of Viking rule dates the origin of
the chief Irish towns.
To them also was due the great expansion, if
not the birth, of Irish trade.
Mention has been made of the wealth of Limerick (_v. supra_,
p. 97), drawn chiefly from trade with France and Spain, and the other
towns were not behind Limerick.
The naval power of Dublin stretched from Waterford to Dundalk, the Irish channel
swarmed with Viking fleets, and many of the shipping terms in
use in Gaelic are loan-words from the Norse.
It is probably to the trading activities of Vikings from the chiefs
ports of Ireland that we owe the sprinkling of names of Norse origin
which we find along the Welsh coast from the Dee to the Severn--Great
Orm's Head, Anglesey, Ramsey I, Skokholm Island, Flat Holme and Steep
Holme, and to them may be due the establishment of Swansea, earlier
_Sweinesea_, Haverfordwest and possibly Bideford, as Norse colonies in
the Bristol channel.
We know in later times of several Norsemen who
were living in Cardiff, Bristol, Swansea and Haverfordwest.
Norse influence in Ireland probably reached its climax in the 10th
century.
The battle of Clontarf offered a serious check and though
there was still a succession of Norse kings and earls in Dublin they
had to acknowledge the authority of the _ardrí_.
The line of Sigtryggr of the Silken Beard came to an end by the
middle of the 11th century, and the rulership of Dublin fell into the
hands of various Norse families from other Irish settlements and
from Man and the Isles.
From 1078-94 it was under the rule of the great
conqueror Godred Crovan from Man, and its connexion with that kingdom
was only severed finally when Magnus Barefoot came on his great Western
expedition in 1103, and brought Man into direct allegiance to
the kings of Norway.
Celtic influence must have been strong in the Norse
families themselves.
Several of the kings bear Gaelic names, and it is probably from this
period that such familiar names as MacLamont or MacCalmont, MacIver,
and MacQuistan date, where the Gaelic patronymic prefix has been added
to the Norse names Lagmaðr, Ívarr and Eysteinn.
While Norse power in Dublin was on the decline as a political force
it is curious to note that the vigorous town-life and the active
commerce instituted by the Norse settlers made that city of ever-increasing
importance as a centre of Irish life and Irish interests generally,
and there can be no question that it was the Norsemen who really
made Dublin the capital city of Ireland.
The Norse element remained absolutely distinct, not only in Dublin but
also in the other cities in which they had settled, right down to the
time of the English invasion in the 12th century.
Frequent mention is made of them in the records of the great towns,
and they often both claimed and received privileges quite different
from those accorded to the native Irish or to the English settlers.
They were known to the latter as 'Ostmen' or 'Easterlings,' a term
which in this connexion seems to have ousted the earlier _Norvagienses_
or _les Norreys_, _les Norwicheis_.
The term 'Ostman' doubtless represents O.N. _Austmaðr_,
a man dwelling to the east.
Exactly how or where it first came to be applied to Norsemen it is difficult to say.
The word has left its mark in Oxmanstown, earlier Ostmanstown, the district
of the city of Dublin assigned to the Ostmen by the English invaders.
Learning and religion in Ireland suffered grievously from Norse attack
but not so sorely as in England.
There was never a time when so dark a picture could have been drawn of Irish learning
as Alfred gives of the state of English learning when he translated
the _Pastoral Care_, and when once the Vikings began to form settlements
they were themselves strongly affected by the wealth of literary
and artistic skill with which they found themselves brought into contact.
The question of Irish influence on Norse mythology and literature
is a much vexed one.
At present we are suffering from a reaction against
exaggerated claims made on its behalf some thirty years ago,
but while refusing to accept the view that Norse legends, divine and heroic
alike, are based on a wholesale refashioning and recreating of stories
from Celtic saga-lore, it would be idle to deny that the contact
between the two nations must have been fertile of result and that Norse
literature in form, style and subject-matter alike, bears many marks
of Gaelic influence.
End of Chapter X
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