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Resistance and Opposition During World War II: Germany, France and the United States - Duration: 1:02:05.
This is a Class of 1962 panel, but I'm
the only member of that class.
Those of us who were in the Class of 1962
were only five years old or so when the Second World
War ended in 1945.
And many of us have memories of that time.
And all of us, of course, were influenced by the war.
As a writer about those years, I became
aware of two outstanding professors at Amherst.
They're scholars who have written and taught and broken
new ground about resistance movements
during the Second World War.
[INAUDIBLE] Can you move the microphone a little closer?
OK, yeah.
Thank you, Jay.
How is that?
[AUDIENCE MURMURS]
How is that?
All right.
The presence of these two professors
and our endless fascination with what
drives individuals to resist and oppose or not,
caused me to suggest this program
that we're about to hear.
So without any further introductions,
I want to just get started.
I do want to just tell you about Katherine Epstein.
She's the Dean of Faculty.
Many of you saw her this morning.
The Winkley Professor of History.
She's an expert in German.
She's going to lead off.
All right.
Hi there.
It's great to see so many of you.
Is this working?
You hearing me?
OK, good.
When David [? Rolle ?] first suggested this panel,
we had a very lively debate among the panelists about
what constitutes resistance.
In particular, could opposition in democratic regimes
be construed as resistance?
This is, of course, very topical.
Can individuals working today in federal bureaucracies who
oppose Trump be viewed as resistors?
Now this whole issue may be a matter of semantics.
But I do want to sort of lay this
out a little bit, in that I place actually a quite high bar
on what constitutes resistance.
For me, it's a form of opposition
that involves moral, ethical concerns and that involves
very significant personal risk.
So for me, at least, losing a job,
like losing a job in the federal bureaucracy,
doesn't really cut it.
But others may well feel differently.
So for me, those challenging Trump
from within the government are, I
would say, engaged in spirited and perhaps
courageous opposition, but I would not give them
the halo term resistors.
So what I am going to do now is talk a little bit
about how I think about resistance based
on my field of specialization, which is 20th century
Germany and the Nazi regime.
And from that we'll sort of continue this conversation
of what is resistance.
So what sort of resistance was there in Nazi Germany?
Many of you will have heard about the most famous incidents
of resistance.
The July 20, 1944 assassination attempt against Hitler
perhaps comes immediately to mind.
This was when Claus von Stauffenberg
tried to kill Hitler at his East Prussian headquarters.
Due to various miscalculations, not least
that Stauffenberg had been maimed in a war injury,
this assassination attempt was not successful.
Besides von Stauffenberg, the resistance movement actually
involved hundreds of individuals, many
within the Nazi elite.
And they had very detailed plans for taking over the government
after Hitler's death.
Once it was known, however, that Hitler had survived
the assassination attempt, the conspiracy
unraveled very quickly.
And von Stauffenberg and many, many others, were executed.
Stauffenberg that evening already,
the evening of July 20th, and many others over the next--
about a year that remained in the Nazi--
or 10 months that remained in the Nazi regime.
So that seems to me really clearly resistance.
Many of you may also have heard of the White Rose.
This was a group of students in Munich,
headed up by two siblings Hans and Sophie Scholl.
In 1942 and 1943, the group wrote pamphlets
and distributed them throughout the university
as well as around Munich.
The pamphlets urged Germans to engage in ethical opposition
to the Nazis.
At a certain point, the students were discovered.
They were tried in a very fast judicial proceedings,
and they were executed relatively quickly.
It's interesting that today if you
ask Germans who are among the most
admired women in German history, Sophie Scholl
always rises to the very top of that list.
I don't think that any of us would say that those two
actions were not resistance.
I think that sort of sets a very high bar.
But that those two incidents clearly
strike me as resistance.
There are, though, many different ways
that one could define this term.
Some historians believe that the term
should have a very narrow definition or quite
narrow definition.
Again, the one that I sort of gave at the outset, something
along the lines of moral, ethical opposition that
involves organized action intended to bring down
a regime and that involves pretty significant consequences
for those who are involved.
Such resistance, if uncovered, would
bring almost certain arrest and very often death sentences.
It's interesting in that such resistance tends
to bring little reward other than moral reward.
In other words, one did the right thing.
But one actually may not gain very much else.
And again, I think there's no question
that Stauffenberg and the Scholls
would fall into that category.
So what is definitely resistance?
To me, assassination attempts against Hitler,
if they're actually serious ones.
Hiding Jews-- hiding Jews was always
a very dangerous prospect for Germans and others.
Engaging in sabotage at a munitions factory,
that strikes me as pretty clearly resistance.
In each case, were it discovered,
it would lead to serious consequences--
arrest and sometimes even a death sentence.
So as you can tell, there's a pretty high bar here.
The action has to be quite heroic.
Then the consequences, if discovered, quite dire.
Now during the Nazi years, this sort of resistance
was actually remarkably rare.
It is true that in the first two years of the regime,
from 1933 to 1935, communists, socialists, and other leftists
put up some very serious resistance to the Nazi regime.
They did lots of leafletting, lots of agitating,
lots of trying to get people to see
what was wrong with the Nazis.
But these resistance movements were essentially all wiped out
by the spring of 1935.
Virtually everyone involved in them had either been arrested,
had fled abroad, or was simply too terrified to act.
Then there was sort of a period of quiet around the period
of the 1936 Olympics, not a lot of resistance in the mid-1930s.
In 1938 and 1939, there was an important resistance movement
that hoped to thwart Germany's rush towards the war.
This took place within pretty high levels of the Nazi elite,
particularly among the Foreign Ministry and the intelligence
bureaus.
Also in 1939, there was a very significant attempt
against Hitler's life that had Hitler decided
not to cut short a speech, we probably
wouldn't have had World War II.
In the wake of Germany's stunning victories
in 1939 and 1940, there was virtually no resistance once
again in Nazi Germany.
And resistance really only picked up
after it was clear that Germany's war efforts were not
going well.
But even then, there was surprisingly little resistance.
And of course, as many of you know,
there was shockingly little resistance to the Holocaust.
So there could be different explanations for why
there was so little resistance.
One reason, which I think for a long time was
sort of the popular reason, was the Nazi regime essentially
terrified the population.
And therefore, very few were willing to resist
because the act was so dire.
The consequences were so dire.
But there's another reason why there may not
have been so much resistance to the Nazis.
And this is actually the reason that I tend to favor.
And it is that, by and large, Germans
were not so unhappy with the Nazi regime.
This became the new normal.
And it was not-- the sorts of things
that the Nazi regime was doing, many of them
were extremely popular.
All the sort of taking on of conquering lands
in Europe-- that was actually very popular in Germany.
So I think a major reason for why
there was so little resistance of any kind in Nazi Germany
was, in fact, that most Germans supported the regime.
Nazi Germany was actually under policed,
if you look at the numbers of policemen per population,
it's relatively few policemen--
and it was all men--
as opposed to the population at large.
So this was not a heavily policed country in any way
at all.
And in fact, the Nazis, what they relied on
was people telling the police about things.
So this became more a nation of telling the police sort of--
the word's not coming to my mind right now-- but basically--
Informers.
Informers, thank you!
That's the word I was looking for-- a nation of informers.
Thank you.
OK.
Now there is, though, a whole other and perhaps more
capacious way to think about resistance.
And that is any conduct that thwarts the regime's aim
to infiltrate and control all aspects of society.
So I want to think about this latter category.
And I'm going to ask you, but you
don't need to answer them, or answer them
in your head, the questions that I pose to my students.
So in Nazi Germany, was grumbling at work resistance?
One might think, I don't know, not really.
You could say, that's just whining.
But it does threaten morale.
And in a society totally organized for the war effort,
maintaining morale is actually crucial.
In Nazi Germany, was driving a private car, when it is
forbidden by law, resistance?
Well, it uses up, resources, gas,
necessary for the war effort.
In Nazi Germany, was writing a diary resistance?
We are not actually doing anything right there
to undermine the regime.
But on the other hand, you are documenting
crimes for posterity that could ruin
the reputation of the Nazis.
In Nazi Germany, was listening to foreign broadcasts, an act
forbidden by law, resistance?
Again, you're not necessarily hurting or undermining
the regime per se, but you are questioning
the regime's version of truth, and you get yourself
into the position to give information to others.
Another question in Nazi Germany--
was apathy resistance?
Again, you don't really think of apathy as resistance,
but it does threaten morale, and it means that you're probably
not helping the war effort.
In Nazi Germany, was dancing to jazz or swing music resistance?
The problem is, the Nazi regime didn't like youth
engaging in degenerate pastimes, in their view,
and corrupting the youth was actually corrupting the future,
right?
Because the Nazis put extraordinary
hope into the youth of the regime.
OK, in Nazi Germany, when women chose--
excuse me-- not to participate in war production,
was that resistance?
Women were supposed to work.
Actually, all women were required
to work at a certain point.
And so women staying at home meant that less war material
was produced, and she was also flaunting the laws,
although the Nazis didn't go after middle class women who
didn't work.
In Nazi Germany, was black market activity resistance?
Again, threatens morale and the economy.
Individuals were actually arrested for virtually all
of these actions.
I suppose not writing a diary, unless it was known.
But listening to foreign broadcasts,
dancing at jazz or swing clubs, black market activity,
all of those things were things that people were
arrested for in Nazi Germany.
And I think that most of us would probably not categorize
those actions as resistance.
And again, to me, resistance is heroic,
it bears severe consequences, and it is aimed
at undermining the regime.
That having been said, what I've described
could in fact have quite significant
negative implications for the Nazi regime,
especially since this was a regime that demanded loyalty
from citizens, and all of these actions
undermined individual and collective loyalty
to the Nazis.
So are these actions resistance or not?
I'm going to let you ponder that one as I let
my students ponder that one.
But what I would say is that, if such actions are considered
resistance, Nazi Germany all of a sudden
becomes a nation of resistors rather than
a nation of collaborators or informers, which
is another good term here.
And I think a nation of collaborators
may actually be the more accurate term.
Indeed, I think it's clear that Germans combined discontent
of the whining sort with fundamental support
of the Nazi regime.
By and large, this was a reasonably popular regime
with reasonable levels of public support.
In turn, that meant that dissenting behavior never
really posed a significant challenge
to the Nazi dictatorship.
Still, the existence of widespread dissenting behavior
suggests the limits of Nazi popularity.
While some Germans fanatically supported the regime,
most Germans merely accepted it.
Finally, I asked you to think a bit about the significance
of resistance in Nazi Germany.
During the Nazi years, the very existence
of some resistance movements gave heart
to others who were either involved or considering
being involved in resistance.
That is the more narrow definition of resistance.
For some, simply getting a White Rose brochure
suggested that they were not alone
and that others felt as they did.
And that alone could be a very comforting experience.
After 1945, past resistance played a totally different
role.
Past resistance served both to accuse and to excuse Germans.
The few who prized ethical commitment
posed a moral indictment of the many.
If some could find it in themselves to condemn wrong,
why didn't more do so?
But the harsh punishments that such individuals endured
explained and even justified most Germans' refusal
to resist Nazism.
And so I'm going to return now to my opening comments.
I think it's actually valuable to keep a high bar on what
we define as resistance.
Those who sacrificed so much for ethical, moral imperatives
deserve our recognition and our respect.
Confounding that sort of behavior
with more ordinary actions I think
blurs ethical and moral lines.
We need our heroes, and we should
continue to celebrate them.
At the same time, lesser actions also have their value.
It is truly important that some listen to foreign radio
broadcasts, that some wrote diaries,
that some danced to swing, and that some even grumbled.
And I hope we will all, actually, all of us
in this room--
I think it's a high bar to ask for all of you
to engage in resistance, but I would hope that all of us
would engage in more of these lower level sorts of actions.
But the many should not feel self-satisfied nor should they
be celebrated by others.
And as for resistance today, I think
that happens in many regimes around the world.
But I don't think that it's happening in the United States
today of the sort that I was talking about.
Healthy democracies enjoy opposition,
and they do not turn their citizens into resisters.
And I think that we are-- my own view
is-- we're still in the healthy democracy category.
Of course, I hope it stays that way.
[APPLAUSE]
Our next speaker is going to be Ron Rosbottom, Ronald
Rosbottom, author of When Paris Went Dark,
a very well-received book that's out in the lobby today,
of the City of Light under German occupation.
Ron's a former dean of the faculty,
and a Winifred Arms Professor in Arts and Humanities.
Well, thank you.
Dean Epstein, I know I grumble from time to time.
[LAUGHTER]
But I'm not resisting, OK?
There you go.
That's good.
I have some of my students, former students are here,
so you can go to sleep like you used to in my class.
Right?
[LAUGHTER]
Yep.
Looks fine to me.
A different direction-- in doing research for my previous book,
When Paris Went Dark, about the occupation of Paris--
I noticed-- I encountered a phenomenon that
was so prevalent and so obvious that I ignored it for a while,
just thought it as a truism that didn't need much comment.
Put simply, in the time of war, we
are brought suddenly to consider youth.
And my research then showed that youth,
though at first spontaneous and disorganized,
were among the earliest to resist the fact
of the occupation in France.
In fact, it's been estimated that between 1939 and 1945
as much as 70% of those in France who
actively resisted the Germans--
and actively in the sense that Catherine said--
and their Vichy collaborators were under the age of 30.
70%-- that's an estimation, under the age of 30.
Why?
Well, there too many reasons.
There are a lot of reasons.
That's why I am writing the book.
And I'm only going to tell you one, so you'll buy the book
and learn all the others.
[LAUGHTER]
The one I want to talk about is the after effects
of War I. In France after 1918, the casualties
of that murderous war had been brought home in photographs,
in newsreels, with the public listing of thousands of names
of the wounded, the missing, the dead, often with their ages
attached.
Shattered bodies roam the streets and byways
of a mourning nation, and monuments to the dead
were raised in every village of France.
All of this prevented survivors from ignoring
how much promise, innocence, and yes, virility, had disappeared
in the space of a few years.
These memories created a major cultural shift
in the formal and informal education of youth after 1918--
all over Europe, not specifically in France.
Beginning in the 1920s, every sociopolitical regime
in Europe--
fascist, conservative, communist, socialist,
religious--
showed concern about and attention
to the indoctrination, control, and motivation of their youth.
It was taken for granted that young people would not
go, again, sheeplike to slaughter,
or at least not without searing justification.
For those under draft age, organizations
were set up to keep them occupied during the summer
months, indoctrination performed in a massive adoption of summer
camping all over Europe, physical activity characterized
by dozens of scouting organizations,
religious service to the needy, to the multitudes of refugees
that were beginning to move across Europe,
and to the incorporation of immigrant youth
into these groups.
All such preoccupations led to the establishment
of governmental ministries of youth
and to the addition of youth organizations
every major adult membership group from the Freemasons
to the brownshirts of fascism.
The insistence on controlling youthful energy,
the establishment of hierarchical organizations,
the search for leaders among adolescents,
and in fact, the very process of indoctrination
not only serve the purposes of governments,
but gave youngsters the structures that would make
coordinated resistance possible.
This phenomenon offers an excellent example
of what sociologists call the law of unintended consequences,
when carefully planned actions have unexpected results.
After the brief battle of France in May-June 1940,
with the capture and permanent imprisonment of nearly two
million young, mostly young soldiers--
and they stayed for the most part in Germany
during the war--
at the end of the war, I think there were a million and a half
still in German camps.
French youth still not in uniform
became even more a target for those
trying to establish quickly a new regime.
Suddenly, there were choices that adolescents had to make
and quickly--
to run away, to hide, to join a clandestine group, to fight,
to resist only morally, in place,
or to support the authorities.
All demanded reasoning that many adolescents were still only
partially capable of doing.
The keystone of my new book outlines
reasons why teenagers, some as young as 13 and 14, began--
even before the Battle of France was over--
what would become a vigorous and sustained resistance
to both the German occupier and the Vichy state.
The Vichy government and the occupiers
were at first lenient toward juvenile miscreants.
Those who wrote on the walls or who hooted at Germans whenever
they saw a group of Germans in a uniform,
they would hoot at them.
They ignored him for a while, but that soon changed.
Within a year, more and more youngsters
were arrested for distributing tracts, interfering
with smooth police order, minor sabotage, and more
serious mischief.
And eventually, they became hostages
to be shot when more serious resistance
actions killed Germans.
There was a rule, at first, for every German killed,
it would be 10 hostages shot in France.
It went up to 50 at one point, then it fell back down to 10.
And they did it.
In October 1941, that is just a little more
over a year of the occupation, a young boy,
Guy Moquet, barely 17, was shot with 26 other young communists.
This was the first major case of such a youngster being shot.
Later others were, some of the youngest 14 and 15.
The wages of youthful resistance had definitely become higher.
What makes this subject so fascinating to me,
and so complicated, is that I focus on five years, '39
to '45.
And five years is a long time in the physical and psychological
maturation of youngsters.
Someone only 12 in 1939 would be 16 by D-Day.
So the coincidence of physical maturation
and the progress of the war is a complex one for a narrative
history on this subject.
I'd just like to bring that to your attention
about the complexity.
When you talk about adolescence, you
have to realize they're still growing.
And that no one knew when the war was going to end.
We know now.
But they didn't know.
In my current research, which defines adolescence as roughly
between 15 and 25, I write a great deal
on the memoirs of participants and the contemporary letters
of youngsters who were involved in an activity whose
ultimate aims many only barely understood in 1940 and '41.
Now let me end by telling you the story of just
one of these youngsters.
Jacques Lusseyran was a member of upper bourgeois
class, Catholic, living in Paris, born in 1924.
So that means in 1939 he was 15 years old.
At the age of eight, he had a terrible accident.
He fell on his glasses, and the arm of the glass
pierced his left eyeball.
And that always gets a groan.
When you say anything about piercing an eyeball,
I always get a groan.
Two days later his right eye sympathetically
stopped working as well.
So he was totally blind at eight.
His parents refused to educate him with the blind.
He was educated with the sighted, one of the first kids
to use Braille typewriters in French classrooms.
He was an intellectual.
He loved Germany and everything about Germany.
His father had worked in Germany,
and he even visited Germany in 1938.
Coming back a little worried about Hitler,
but still impressed that German learning and education
was continuing to perform as well as it had before the war.
And so he was very dismayed at the outbreak of the war in '39,
and then when the Germans invaded France in 1940.
He felt that the Germans had betrayed their traditions.
So he immediately began, remember he's 15 years old.
He immediately began to listen to Charles de Gaulle
and to the free French who were saying do something.
The war is not over.
We have a battle to fight.
We'll fight it here from London, and you
do what you can to fight it from France, something
that de Gaulle regretted having said later.
Because he never really trusted the resistance, the armed
resistance in France.
But I'm getting off the subject.
In May 1941, he decided to invite some of his friends.
They said we have to do something.
What can we do?
We're only kids.
They were all in the same lycee.
We're only kids, what can we do?
So he said, come over to the house,
and let's talk about what we can do.
And invite anyone you know, but be very careful.
Invite anyone you know who might be interested.
Well, 50 or 60 boys showed up at his apartment.
His parents, by the way, were very lenient.
Other parents would have killed him and locked him up and sent
him home to the grandmother, because many parents were
petrified about what their adolescents were going to be
doing during this occupation.
And soon he began to organize a group called the Volontaires de
la Liberte, and it was a group of boys,
it went as high as four to 500 that he ran through Paris
for two years, roughly two years, distributing tracts.
Not doing any violence, but distributing tracts,
helping allied fliers to be rescued,
hiding people that were in danger of being arrested,
that sort of thing.
And he became the leader.
All the boys trusted him.
Totally blind-- because of his blindness,
he had an extraordinary memory.
He knew up to 1,000 phone numbers
and never had to write them down.
He knew the names of everybody, never
had to write anything down.
And one of his greatest talents was interviewing people.
And no one could join their group
without having spent a half hour with the blind guy.
That's what they called him, the blind guy.
Go see the blind guy.
And the blind guy would, and he discusses
this extensively in his memoir, would interview people.
And because of his blindness, and because of his intuition,
because of this use of his other senses, he could evaluate,
and it worked, the seriousness, the depths of young people's
willingness to participate in a dangerous activity.
Because by then, the Germans were arresting young people who
were doing this kind of stuff.
And in fact, it was just a few months after he started
that Guy Moquet was executed.
So for two years they ran an extraordinarily efficient
campaign of publishing a two page newspaper, which
they passed out, the boys would spread out all over the city.
And they'd pass out as many as 40,000 copies of that paper,
everywhere.
They went to churches.
They ran through metros giving them.
They put them on cafe terraces.
They ran into apartment buildings
and stuffed them under doors.
It was very, very effective.
So effective that a larger group of resistors
led by older people, that is people in their 30s,
or late 20s, they were always talking about the older people
that they were working under, coincided with him.
And just when he was about to take--
he became more and more of a leader--
he was betrayed.
He made one mistake in all of these interviews,
and he was betrayed by a French boy who turned in the--
she just held up the time sign, so that immediately intimidated
me--
[LAUGHTER]
--who turned him in.
He spent two years in jail.
And they sent him to Buchenwald.
What probably saved him at Buchenwald
was his knowledge of German and his blindness.
They didn't know what to do with him.
So they put him in with those who were deathly ill.
He survived that, came home, became
a college French professor in the United States
and was killed in 1972, I think, in an automobile accident.
One friend said, was he driving?
[LAUGHTER]
There are many stories like this one, perhaps not as dramatic,
but they reveal a passionate, youthful connection
to political liberty and to human solidarity
by some of the most courageous adolescents
of the 20th century.
Thank you.
[APPLAUSE]
Boy, listening to these two is why we went to Amherst.
I remember we had, in our day, we
had Bucky Salmon and Henry Steele Commager.
I'm Henry Steele Commager.
[LAUGHTER]
Let me know if you can hear me or not hear me, OK?
So I'm going to talk about opposition during World War
II in the United States.
And that's difference-- I'm not sure I
have the same definitions as Catherine.
But to me, opposition is like a continuum.
It can range from mild disagreement
to intense hostility.
And I'm going to talk about three influential Americans
that I contend that opposed the rescue of the Jews
during the Holocaust.
And I believe, or I will contend,
that they engaged in one form or another of opposition.
The first individual, the Harry Hopkins--
and I wrote a book about him--
a spectral figure in the administration
of President Franklin Roosevelt. He was a man who came to dinner
and never left.
For 3 and 1/2 years, he lived, he worked,
he even was married upstairs, second floor of the White
House in the Lincoln suite.
He wasn't married in the Lincoln suite.
But he was married on the second floor.
And it was just a few doors down from the president's
own bedroom.
He was the closest friend, adviser, and confidant
that Franklin Roosevelt had.
In the summer of 1943, Hopkins' knowledge of the Holocaust
became well-documented.
And that's when he received a letter from a close friend
about a Polish underground guy named Jan Karski.
Jan Karski disguised himself as a guard,
got inside a Nazi death camp called Belzec, escaped.
He was brought back to Washington.
And he had a meeting with Roosevelt. Hopkins
may have set up that meeting.
He wasn't there.
And they begged Roosevelt to do something about the Holocaust.
They had eyewitness testimony and Jewish leaders
were in the office at the same time.
Roosevelt was noncommittal.
He said tell your nation we shall win the war,
and that was his response.
Hopkins knew all about this.
It was talked about throughout Washington.
What did he do?
He was silent.
He had an intimate relationship with Roosevelt.
He could have pushed for relaxation of the immigration
policies.
By that time, they were really trying
to get the State Department to change them.
But Hopkins was not involved.
He could have encouraged rescue efforts.
He could have sought to publicize
the plight of the Jews.
There's no evidence that Hopkins did or said anything
after July 1943.
So I would submit, and I have a much lower bar at least as
far as opposition is concerned, that a person
with his background, and I'll get
to that background in a minute, and his knowledge of what
was going on through his many friends who did know,
and his influence with Roosevelt,
amounted to a form of passive opposition.
A personal note on Jan Karski.
I did my research on the Hopkins book
at Georgetown University, just down the street
from where I live.
And I used to go in the campus, and there
was a bronze sculpture of a man sitting on a park bench
that I used to pass by every day.
One time I looked down at the plaque, and it was John Karski.
After the war, he came to Georgetown, got a PhD,
and taught history there until his death.
For the past three years, I've been
working on a new treatment of George Marshall.
Aside from the president during the war,
Marshall was the most powerful and influential US leader
during the entire war.
His honorary degree from Harvard reads--
"A soldier and statesman whose ability and character
brook only one comparison in the history of the nation,"
an obvious reference to George Washington.
Yet Marshall opposed the use of the military
to rescue European Jews.
And this part of his long story has not been told.
Now Marshall was Chief of Staff at the US Army.
His single-minded concern throughout the Army
was winning the war-- his overriding priority,
winning the war as quickly as possible.
He opposed any and all attempts to engage the Army and its Air
Force-- at that time, the Air Force was part of the Army--
and any operation to rescue Jews.
He regarded these operations as just as diversionary.
So more than a year after the world,
everyone knew about the Holocaust, in January 1944,
Roosevelt reluctantly created the War Refugee Board.
And its executive order specified
that the War Department, along with Treasury and State,
had a legal duty to cooperate in rescuing the Jews
with all possible speed.
Now Assistant Secretary John Jay McCloy,
who was Assistant Secretary of the War Department,
he was really a civilian boss of Marshall's.
More about him later--
he was Amherst Class of 1916, John Jay McCloy.
He sent a note to Marshall's office.
This was right after the War Refugee Board was set up.
And the note said, I'm very chary of getting
Army involved in this while the war is going on.
Marshall did not push back.
He did not acquiesce.
He could have said the Army would help consistent
with the prosecution of the war, which he was able to do
under that executive order.
Instead, an internal memorandum was
issued within the War Department, which
said the most effective way to help
the Jews was to ensure the speedy defeat of the Axis,
certainly a priority.
Policy was used by Marshall's army of eight million,
for the rest of the war, to avoid rescue efforts.
Even if a bomber squadron or a combat unit
was available to conduct a rescue operation,
or even if the army had excess funds
to use for ransom, which was one way of getting the Jews out
of various countries in Eastern Europe,
or paying for transportation, they wouldn't do it.
Or even if they had excess food or facilities
to help with the Jews.
So the question is, did anti-Semitism play a role?
Henry Morgenthau who was the Treasury
Secretary for Roosevelt, a Jew.
He thought it did.
His target, though, was not Marshall,
but it was this barrel-chested John Jay
McCloy, a son of Amherst, a former chair
of the board of trustees here.
At a cabinet meeting in the spring of 1944,
Morgenthau labeled McCloy an oppressor of the Jews.
He said that at a cabinet meeting.
McCloy wasn't there.
He found out about it later.
And the reason he did that was because McCloy
refused to allow an unused Army base up in upstate New York,
in Oswego, to house Jewish refugees from Italy.
But he heard about this comment.
He was deeply offended.
He eventually gave up on resisting the use of the camp,
and the camp became the one and only haven
during the war for Jewish refugees from Europe.
McCloy continued to believe, as did Marshall after this
incident-- and Henry Stimson, who was head of the War
Department--
that the Army should not be used to rescue Jews.
Unfortunately for McCloy, he became the public face
of opposition, because that was part of his job.
They assigned him the task of dealing with the War Refugee
Board.
So in June of 1944, the head of the War Refugee Board,
a guy named John Paley, asked McCloy to consider bombing
the rail lines leading into Auschwitz.
McCloy said such an operation, his words,
would be of doubtful efficacy, could be accomplished only
by diversion of considerable air support
needed for decisive operations.
None of that was true.
Bombers based in Italy had been flying
over Auschwitz for weeks.
And this was the first of many refusals
that McCloy, pursuant to his job,
declined to permit the bombing of rail lines,
and then later, even the bombing of the camps
themselves because the Jews were doomed anyway.
It would have saved thousands of lives
if they had been able to do that.
So after the war, when the full horror of the Holocaust
became apparent, McCloy was, of course,
the subject of criticism.
Because even if the rail lines could be quickly repaired,
or even if they had been able to bomb the death camps,
it was argued that at least some lives would have been saved.
In 1983 he was 88 years old, McCloy.
And he gave an interview to "The Washington Post."
And at that point he either revealed the whole truth
or he spread the blame.
What he said then was that Harry Hopkins told him back in '44
that the boss, that is Roosevelt,
would not approve the bombing of rail lines
or the camps around Auschwitz.
And then he gave an interview three years later
when he was 92 to another person who recorded it.
And he said that he actually discussed the matter
with the president.
And the president took it out of his hands.
The president said no.
We don't know, you know, whether his memory was
accurate at that point, or whether it was Roosevelt
who actually made the decision.
It could have been.
It's clear from my research that all three
of these individuals--
Marshall, McCloy, Hopkins-- one way or the other,
from the mild disagreement to the more forceful,
opposed efforts to rescue the Jews.
So again what was the role of anti-Semitism?
And we all know anti-Semitism in America
reached its peak in the late 1930s
and continued throughout the war.
And there's no doubt that it was a factor in Washington,
Washington writ large, refusal to help out
with the plight of the Jews.
Plus, mass media was playing it down.
So Hopkins, Marshall, McCloy--
all Gentiles-- they grew up in America.
They worked in Washington.
They could not help but be affected.
But the question I wanted to look to in my research
was whether any of them had-- whether there's
a record of hostility.
And I found that Hopkins was the least likely,
because he'd married a Jew.
He was friends with Jews.
He had been a social worker.
And then the record with regard to Marshall--
I found two pejorative references
in 50 years of his correspondence.
None of them suggested hostility.
And so again, you're sort of left wondering.
And McCloy's biographer basically
said he was not an anti-Semite.
And then a couple of sentences later, essentially
backed off of that.
So we're left wondering.
In the last analysis, you can't judge,
as a writer, what their inner prejudices and thoughts might
have been concerning hostility or the extent of anti-Semitism
that they had.
All you can look at are their actions.
Let me just-- a light word at the end that has
nothing to do with opposition.
But it has to do with McCloy and Marshall.
In May of 1947, Marshall, who was then Secretary of State,
was considering where to give his Marshall Plan
speech, the most famous speech in foreign policy
since the Monroe Doctrine.
Believe it or not, it was scheduled to be at Amherst.
[LAUGHTER]
This is documented now, June 15, 1947.
It would have put Amherst on the map, like you know,
nobody's business.
So some things happened though.
In Europe, there was a Hungarian--
the Soviets were taking over Hungary.
And also Marshall's speech, the planned speech
was being leaked to "The New York Times."
Reston got hold of it.
So he moved it up.
He had committed to go to Amherst.
He moved it up to June 5th.
It was given at Harvard on June 5.
And next week, there'll be the 70th anniversary
of that speech.
You all always go to the safety school, don't you?
And I told this story to a guy at Yale the other day,
and he said, well, you know, you're just
trying to build up Amherst.
But it's true.
But then, I found out from the archives here,
Marshall wanted to keep his commitment at Amherst.
He had told-- then it was President Cole--
that he was going to come to accept an honorary degree.
So McCloy and Marshall went to Amherst June 15, 1947.
It was a Sunday.
And this is where it gets kind of weird, but it's true.
They got up to Amherst and the commencement
was at five o'clock.
So they went over to the Dean's house.
And the Dean at the time was Scott Porter, and some of us
remember him.
And the Dean's wife, and Marshall
is very specific about this, they
decided to have refreshments before the commencement.
And Marshall said, I had three scotches.
And I was laughing at all the great discussion
we were having.
Now for him to admit that he had three scotches--
first of all. he didn't drink scotch--
but it's just incredible.
Because he was very abstemious and very rigid.
But he had three scotches.
So they went off to the commencement,
and they were sitting in the front row with Cole and McCloy.
And McCloy had assured Marshall before he came up there
that he wouldn't have to talk.
So I was very--
but someone handed him the program.
I have that program.
Handed him the program, and he was
listed as the first speaker.
[LAUGHTER]
So with three scotches, with a snootful of scotch,
he faced 400.
At this time, it was veterans who were graduating.
So it was 400 veterans.
And he gave a speech, and he actually
spoke to them from the heart.
I have a copy of the transcript of the speech.
He didn't say anything about the Marshall Plan.
He just talked to them as their wartime leader.
And he said I need you now in this time of new challenges,
because at this point the Cold War was getting hot.
So true story--
Marshall recalled years later that it
was one of the best talks he ever gave--
[LAUGHTER]
--with those three scotches aboard.
Thanks very much.
Now questions?
[APPLAUSE]
Does anybody have any questions?
Who's going to call on them?
Yeah, go ahead.
Well, first, on behalf of everybody
here, I want to for letting us know
how Harvard got on the map.
[LAUGHTER]
That's Harvard got on the map.
OK, yeah.
[? In ?] Epstein's definition of resistance,
requires both that there be dire consequences for the action,
that means that both the resistor and the oppressor
are involved.
And Professor Rosbottom has made it clear
that there could be, was evolution
of the reactions that could be expected from the oppressor.
And what I'm curious about is whether that evolution
is sometimes the result of top down dictate and sometimes
the result of bottom up emulation and evolutions.
And that brings me to Montana.
I saw that coming.
[LAUGHTER]
I'm wondering if what is interpreted as bottom
up emulation with physical consequences potentially for
[INAUDIBLE] whether that kind of evolution
in your historical view has created resistance
where it wasn't before?
Are you asking me?
[LAUGHTER]
I'm not.
I think that's a good question.
It's an interesting question.
I'm going to-- don't you love it when
people say it's interesting.
It means-- I say that to my students when I mean,
really, I don't understand it, or you obviously
haven't done the reading.
But that's an interesting question.
It's a good question.
This idea of emulation is something
I hadn't really thought of.
And so I'm going to think about that.
There was emulation.
I'm talking about the youngsters.
You have to realize, too, that the country I'm talking about
is totally different from the country Catherine's
talking about.
Because France had visible presence of occupiers
who didn't belong there.
And so that immediately raised anger, frustration,
that kind of stuff.
But the idea of younger people trying to emulate--
yes.
Many of them emulated what their fathers and uncles
and grandfathers had not done.
They were really-- many of them were ticked off that France
had surrendered in six weeks.
That an armistice had been signed
that split France right into two.
They were really, really ticked off.
That's a polite way of putting it.
And they would talk to each other about that.
And I think older, more visible aspects of resistance--
there is an element of emulation.
That's true.
If you have that kind of core, you're
going to just have more resistors.
Germany didn't have that kind of visible core.
But don't forget-- it wasn't occupied.
Would you agree with that?
Yes.
Thank you very, very much.
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
Thank you very much.
There you go.
[LAUGHTER]
The beginning of the knowledge of the Holocaust
in the first few months of 1942, some Polish [INAUDIBLE],
some Swiss Red Cross people reported it,
because obviously not much publicization [INAUDIBLE]
governments, not much by the press.
The chief spreaders of knowledge of the beginning of it,
long before the end of the war, were pamphleteers.
And let me mention just two, the first one--
Great Britain.
Victor Gollancz, of East European Jewish origin.
Say that again?
Victor Gollancz, G-O-L-L-A-N-C-Z, Laborite,
wrote a pamphlet published March 1942,
giving pretty much what was known then of the Holocaust.
The first one in Britain.
[? Soon ?] much interest, some pressure [INAUDIBLE]
First one in America some months later, June 1942.
The Voice Of Thy Brother's Blood was
written by a daughter of German Jewish immigrants into America.
Mercedes Irene Moritz.
That was my mother.
This gentleman's had his hand up.
Where?
[INAUDIBLE] German resistance, the way you put it, I think,
is exactly right.
Because all the other [INAUDIBLE]
you describe are irrelevant in what was essentially
a corrupt state.
I am a specialist in Russia--
well, originally the Soviet Union and its death now,
and Russia.
That is exactly the kind of thing that went on.
That low level, cheating, et cetera.
The problem is you could get arrested and shot for that.
That's a different story.
One of the things that struck me, and this goes back
to Paris, was there were a lot of nightclubs in Paris playing
jazz.
It's a very famous story.
And this is where even Nazis didn't pay attention
to everything, where Django Reinhardt tried to flee.
They said it was getting too dangerous.
For those who don't know, Django Reinhardt
was a gypsy guitarist, jazz guitarist.
And Reinhardt tried to flee.
He gets to, I think, the border with Switzerland.
And there's a Nazi officer who stops him.
But instead of arresting him, he gets his autograph,
because he think's he's great.
That's not-- I wouldn't even call that resistance.
In other words, what Hitler wanted and others around
him wanted something else.
The other issue is that there was
a lot of fighting, infighting and resistance
within different portions of the German high command,
the various elements of the Gestapo, et cetera.
So and in Paris, that I found absolutely fascinating--
and I actually agree with you that they were different,
they were fighting a foreign force.
And the fact that these kids did it.
But also, if you look at the Soviet Union
did the same thing with kids in terms
of trying to mold them in the post-revolution period,
because they understood what was going on.
And one other comment on Hopkins and Marshall and McCloy.
Two things.
One, we actually bombed the [INAUDIBLE],
which was creating synthetic oil right next to Auschwitz.
We actually bombed it.
Auschwitz was five, ten miles away.
We could have bombed Auschwitz.
When was that?
It was, I think in '43, '44.
Primo Levi talked about that in his memoir.
It was literally bombed, and they did nothing to Auschwitz.
So it was completely [INAUDIBLE] on it.
And I've long believed that one of the people involved
in the States who was pushing for not having
any help to any Jews was a guy with the wonderful name
of Breckenridge Long.
State Department.
To think of the [INAUDIBLE] conference.
It was all BS.
Nothing happened.
And one of the other things about McCloy,
which we cannot forget, is when he was high commissioner
in Germany, right after the war, he freed a lot of Nazis,
really disgusting characters who ran slave labor camps,
basically, slave camps, to produce German goods,
because they [INAUDIBLE].
And out of that came a wonderful book by a guy named
Ferencz called Less Than Slaves.
He was one of the prosecutors at Nuremberg
and was incensed about what was happening
to people after the war trial received compensation,
as opposed to the [INAUDIBLE] Nazis now living
big lives all over Germany.
Just one comment on--
there were three lawyers in the Treasury Department
who really were the heroes that got Morganthau to press
for the war refugee board, because Breckenridge Long stood
against this thing.
He was the main guy until 1943.
But three lawyers basically outed him.
They showed that what he was doing
was erecting false reasons why they could not open up
the borders for refugees.
And so they outed him in front of Morganthau.
And Breckenridge Long got pushed to the side.
And that's when they finally got the war refugee board.
But even that.
The war refugee board they say saved maybe
200,000 Jewish lives.
Given the scale of it, it was good, great thing,
but it was not all that significant.
We need to stop.
[INAUDIBLE]
Where was Eleanor?
Eleanor Roosevelt?
I don't know where Eleanor was.
No, she was where Hopkins was.
They were both-- actually, Hopkins kind of fell out
of favor with her.
But she was she was making a lot of noise
about things going on in the United States,
lynchings and so forth.
But we need to close.
We do, unfortunately, yes.
Thank you, everyone, for coming.
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A Conversation with Members of the Board of Trustees - Duration: 50:42.
Welcoming you on this rainy afternoon.
Amherst is beautiful, regardless of the weather.
But it's a pity that it has to be regardless of the weather
today.
My name is Paula Roush, and I'm one of the members
of the Board of Trustees.
I am just about to rotate off of the board after 12 years.
And I want to spend a couple of minutes talking
about what the board does.
It's as important what we don't do as what we do do.
But we are really the stewards of the institution
that each of us loves.
I would say this is the best unpaid job I've ever had.
And our board is an unusual board.
For the people that serve on many boards, the Amherst board,
and others, very often they will say
this is by far the best board that they have ever served on.
There is a shared passion about the college.
I don't believe any of you would be back here if you didn't
share that passion with us.
And it's a diverse group of people
with very different skills.
And we are called upon to undertake
a variety of special projects, as well
as the work of the board.
And it's, kind of, the basics.
We need to engage fully in the mission of the college,
to support the values of the college.
Part of it is to show up and be prepared.
When I spoke with [? Giday, ?] who was the second chair
of the board during the time that I've been on the board--
he had been on the board, before he rotated off, for 18 years.
And let me know that he had only missed one board meeting.
So I feel compelled now to say to you,
after 12 years on the board I have only
missed one board meeting.
And part of what we need to do is really
to understand the difference between oversight
and management, to be sure that what we're doing is oversight,
but not getting lost in the weeds,
and actually damaging the college
by trying to micromanage it.
The board is engaged in oversight.
The administration is involved in management.
Hopefully you will share your thoughts with us,
at the end of what I hope will be an interesting hour.
And what I am going to ask my fellow board members to do--
we have one board member who headed back to Boston,
because he was on call for the weekend
and was worried about the traffic,
and another who was caught in traffic on her way here.
So we may get joined by another board member.
But I'm going to ask my colleagues, to my left,
to introduce themselves to tell us, I hope,
a little bit about what their day jobs are,
a couple of things about what they did when
they were Amherst students.
We're all here for our reunion.
So I guess you have to declare your reunion year.
I'm a '77.
When they joined the board, some of the committees
that each of us serve on, and why
anyone would choose to make this commitment.
So Dwight, your first up.
Good.
I'm Dwight Polar.
Class of '87.
I am in my second year in the board.
When I left Amherst, as a history
of international relations major,
I immediately went into almost 30 years of finance,
as a good liberal arts grad does, shifting gears.
Went off to New York, Tokyo, Boston,
and then have been based in London
the last eight years in my 24th year with Bain Capital doing
private equity.
So that's my day job, and where I live.
I've got three children.
One is a sophomore here.
My second is a sophomore here.
So I get a bit of exposure to student life right now.
My activities at Amherst.
I did JV soccer, glee club.
I was in the--
'87, as those of you who were here would know,
that was the last year of the fraternities.
So I got to experience the shift from having
to not having fraternities, which
is a bit akin to what's going on with the change
in the social dorms now.
And my roles on the board, I'm on the finance budget
committee, the development committee, and the instruction
committee.
And I guess, for just a minute on why
I wanted to join the board.
Obviously, the place has always been
incredibly important to me.
But it was actually at one of these sessions exactly--
it must have been five years ago.
I don't think it was 10 years ago, when someone started
asking the question of, how does the math work with how tuition
is rising, endowment returns, and a tough market are falling?
I guess it really was 10 years ago, because it
was right after the crisis.
How scholarship's rising, and such.
How does all that math work in this college?
And that question intrigued me a whole lot.
And has been something that I was interested in before
joining the board.
And it's been a fascinating education
to be involved with it now, and to work
with an extraordinary finance team
at the college in place now that works through that issue
to great effect.
So that's been my real focus on coming on the board.
I'm John Middleton.
I'm the class of '77, with Paula.
I've been on the board eight years.
I chairman of the buildings and grounds committee.
I'm on the budget and finance.
I'm on the advancement committee.
I'm on prestigeship committee.
I'm missing one.
I shouldn't miss it, but I am.
So when I was here I was a wrestler.
People, kind of, think sometimes that they're
the admission mistake.
Well, turns out that boards make admissions mistakes too.
So I have the distinction of being both an admission mistake
to get here, and an admission mistake to be on the board.
But they haven't caught on quite yet.
So I'm hoping to escape after another four years.
I think the reason why I joined the board is
I was a businessman.
I went from here to Harvard Business School.
And then I spent nearly 30 years building up a company
before I sold it.
So I'm semi-retired.
In my semi-retirement I am also the managing partner
of the Philadelphia Phillies, which
is sometimes fun, but right now, not.
So there are no reporters here, I hope.
Don't repeat that.
The reason I joined is I'm fascinated by organizations
and I'm fascinated by world class organizations.
I had the privilege of being on the board of Penn Medicine,
which oversees everything medical about the University
of Pennsylvania, which is another great institution.
And Amherst is a great institution.
And it's been great, and wants to stay great.
And that's a tough challenge.
Staying great over time is very difficult.
It takes enormous commitment, enormous effort.
And it takes resources, money, as well as people.
And the leadership that's required
to lead an organization like this is really something.
And I joined the board when Tony Marx was the president.
I really liked Tony.
I loved the direction he was taking the college.
And I had the privilege-- and really, it was a privilege.
I was on the search committee that hired Biddy.
And I was part of a small group--
there were about four or five of us who went down to Washington
for the first time we met Biddy.
And I remember walking out of that meeting with the others,
and I looked at them as we were getting in the elevator.
And I said, does anybody else think
we just talked to the next President of the Amherst
College?
And they all shook their heads, nodded their heads.
Biddy's great.
And I think the chance to work with leaders like Biddy
is a rare opportunity in life.
And I love working with her.
I love supporting her.
I love the way she challenges us.
And I love the way she allows us to challenge her.
It's been a great learning experience for me,
intellectually.
And it's a privilege to be here.
I'm very grateful.
Hi.
I'm Pat Fitzgerald, from the class of 1982.
And I've been on the board four years.
I chair the Human Resources Committee.
It's a little bit like going to college
again when you're on the board, except you're not
allowed to cut class at all, which is tough.
It's pretty exhausting to be on the board, to be honest.
People are very, very deep thinkers.
And those of us who are not can get very, very tired quickly.
I feel your pain.
And I look out, I see Michelle Deitsch, my classmate
who was on the board.
And she and I didn't know each other,
but we visited, and stayed in Morrow, when
we were high school seniors.
There was three of us.
My good friend John Goggins.
And Michelle's on the board.
And if someone had told me that night Michelle
would be on the board, I would believe it.
If they told me I'd be on the board I'd say,
oh god, they're in trouble.
The reason I joined the board, very sincerely, is I
found Amherst was a life changing experience.
And I thought it more life changing,
I realized, afterward, than when I was here.
My high school was a life changing experience.
And my parents were immigrants.
They went to sixth grade in Ireland, both of them,
and then came here.
And then to come to Amherst and have this opportunity-- which
was a gift, because I didn't pay anything to go here, basically.
To get that gift, and then just to realize how much you
learned outside the classroom.
And when I was here people always kept saying,
you'll learn more outside the classroom
than you'll learn in the classroom.
I always thought that was the stupidest thing ever.
I'm thinking, wait a minute.
You've got these really smart PhDs, and then the other people
who are your age.
So how would you ever learn more from them than the PhDs?
And maybe about 20 years later, it, sort of, sunk in.
And I realized you learned a lot.
And I think you learned a lot from the fact
that people were very different and they were
very different backgrounds.
And you got to mix with them a bit.
And you learn to think and debate, and do it
in a very constructive way.
And so it changed my life.
After here I went to law school.
I practiced law briefly in the private sector.
I spent 24 years as a federal prosecutor
in New York and Chicago.
Now I'm back in the private sector
for four years in Chicago.
And so when it came a time to figure out
what I wanted to do, sort of, the pro bono side,
I thought the thing that most impacted me,
life wise, was education.
And gave me a chance that I wouldn't have had.
And I thought any way I could contribute
would be a great thing to do.
I echo John's comments about Biddy.
The one thing I'd also say besides Biddy
being a remarkable leader in the room
is our chair is Cullen Murphy.
It's, sort of, remarkable to have
a board chaired by someone who writes for a living.
He's a very careful thinker.
And he could put pen to paper like nobody else.
But it's not just how he writes, but how he thinks.
And so it's a very, very good board.
Probably shouldn't roll grenades out there,
but some of the issues we've dealt with.
Of all the issues we dealt with, we
didn't spend the greatest amount of time on the mascot issue.
But I hope people paid attention to it.
And I thought when you looked at how Cullen wrote
the letter afterwards it was really
thoughtful, because on the one hand he said, look,
everyone writes that there are bigger issues than this,
but, then you realize that people really
got engaged in the issue.
And we had a really thorough discussion behind closed doors.
It was not unanimous.
It was vigorous.
But then people, sort of, closed ranks,
and sort of said, at the end of the day,
well, if the majority of the alumni
want to change the mascot, and the overwhelming majority
of the students want to change the mascot,
and the overwhelming majority of the faculty
want to change the mascot, and we don't even
have an official mascot, then maybe we
should change the mascot.
And that logic made sense to me.
But I also thought there were a substantial number of people
who believed in the mascot.
And we wanted to do it in a way that wasn't, sort of,
a condemnation of people saying, hey,
if you rally around that mascot.
That's fine.
And we weren't going to retry someone
from the 18th century in modern jurisprudence,
and figure out what exactly did he say?
Did he cause?
Did he do?
It was sort of like, we're going to just move on from this.
But we're not going to chastise people
who have loyalty to the mascot.
So if you hear people singing Lord Jeff this weekend,
they're not going to get arrested and thrown off campus.
Have at it.
And so just thought that issues big and small, as a group,
I think we wrestle with them, and we do our best to move on.
John, can you say something, as buildings and grounds,
about the amazing amount of construction that's
been going on and is going on, on the campus?
How far back do you want me to go?
So for those of you who haven't been here for a while,
the campus looks quite different.
I was talking at one o'clock presentation
with Tom Davies, from the buildings and grounds office,
on this Greenway projects.
And somebody came up to me afterwards.
And he said, I hadn't been on this campus in 15 years.
He said, I can't believe how different it is.
I mean, this is, when I talked about a commitment
to excellence, and being great, you need great facilities.
And this is a college that has been committed to,
and has done a remarkably good job of maintaining
its facilities.
The dorms is going through--
well, almost entirely complete.
Not entirely.
But they've gone through their dorms.
They're going through their academic buildings.
Obviously, the single largest project
in history of the college is the science center,
and because it's in the middle of construction,
it probably deserves the most focus of my comments.
But along with what we call the Greenway Projects,
it's the science center.
It's the Greenway itself.
And then it's the four dorms.
It's a $330 million project.
We started working on it really hard in the summer of '13.
And we're going to open up the science
center in September of '18.
And it was amazing to see the group of people,
because it was senior staff, it was senior administration,
senior faculty, pulling together,
and students, to, kind of, pull this off.
So let me try to think of a couple of things,
I guess, I should say about it.
Obviously, world class science is important in liberal arts
education.
I think one of the most interesting comments
to that effect was made to me by Shirley Tillman.
Shirley's the retired president of Princeton University.
And I had the great pleasure, I bring
Shirley up and back from Princeton to these meetings
every quarter.
And so I get to spend a lot of time with Shirley one on one.
And a number of years ago, when we
were working on the beginning of this project, she said to me,
John, she said, the dividing line between great liberal arts
colleges in the future is going to be
their science, their science departments, and their science
center.
And she said the reason for that is
it's cause it's so expensive to build a science center
and to maintain the science faculty at a world class level.
And she said the schools that don't have the money,
or don't have the commitment, and therefore don't
make the effort, and build these new facilities,
are going to fall by the wayside, over time.
So she said, for Amherst, if it wants
to be great in 25, 50 years, it has to do this project.
So I think that's an important place to start.
And the other thing I would say is,
we've all, basically, gone to a school that's a great school.
I mean, the university's been a world class
school for a long, long time.
But too many people don't remember that it wasn't always
the Amherst today.
If you go back in time, it was a lot less than that.
It was a New England regional college.
And it was really starting in the 30s
with Stanley King, who kind of created a vision for Amherst,
actually went out and retained Charlie Cole, who's a graduate,
to chair a long term strategic planning
committee that set the course for Amherst to become
what it is.
World war two intervened.
They shelved the strategic plan.
After World War II Stanley called it off.
He looked at the trustees and said, guys,
it's like a 10 year plan.
I'm not going to be here to implement it
from beginning to the end.
I think you need to go out and hire a new president.
And they all turned to Charlie Coleman.
And Charlie implemented the plan that he wrote
under Stanley's direction.
And that really was the transition
from Amherst in the 30s, and the 40s, and the 50s, and the 60s,
and continuing into a spectacularly great school.
What the importance of that is, as Shirley's comment
reinforces, you don't stay there without commitment,
and dedication, and effort.
And so I think this is such a great, great project.
In I don't know what else I could say about it.
I think it reflects the integration of sciences,
for those of you who are scientists,
you understand how different science is practiced today
than it was 20, 30 years ago.
The departments are all, kind of, scrambled.
They're on different floors, they're on different wings.
They have different adjacencies to each other
than they did 50 years ago.
I think when we're finished we're
going to have the greatest, the best, science
center of any liberal arts college in the country.
So I think it's something you all can be very, very proud of.
Paul, could I add something to that?
I sit on a different educational board, a public board.
And it's great.
But at the end of it there's a procurement package
that people voice vote on.
It has all of this, revise this lab,
fix this lab, which is building up.
A lot of money gets spent with, like, a voice vote.
I don't think people appreciate when
John says he's involved in these projects.
Like, before they built the science project, the people
from campus, the administrative people who were really
on top of this, faculty, students, and John,
visited half a dozen other campuses to walk through,
tour, get feedback, figure out what's going on.
The amount of time and effort, particularly John,
puts in for the board, is remarkable.
So when he says he's, sort of, in semi-retirement,
and runs the Philadelphia Phillies, like,
he has two jobs.
But it does show you the level of commitment people have,
which it's, sort of, like it's not just,
OK, we should have a science center.
Let us know what happens in a few years.
It's briefed every meeting and usually ends
with, on time and on budget.
So it's quite the effort.
Thank you.
[APPLAUSE]
Dwight, do you want to take us on a tour of Amherst finances?
Sure.
I think those of you that are involved in Education today,
in any way, know education is expensive.
Whether you're a parent paying for it or on the board
and trying to manage it.
And I think much of what the administration does here,
and we try to support on the board side,
is managing three sides of a triangle, which
are budget management, making sure
that spend is managed in a way that we
get the best possible education, and truly
the best in the United States internationally.
Two, is that we invest our endowment, which
we're fortunate.
I'll come back to that in the third piece of it,
to have a really strong endowment.
But we need to manage it in ever more complex markets,
and how to make money from the endowment,
because that's a key part of our income stream.
And then third is in development.
And we are blessed with an extraordinarily generous alumni
base that has contributed over time to build
a really powerful endowment.
And we rank up there in endowment per student, right
at the very top decile of schools, whether universities
or colleges.
But the challenge is managing those points of the triangle.
And I think where Amherst has gone and done
something very different from many schools
is to go forward and be the school of the future,
not just in academic rigor and strength, but in diversity.
And not just diversity of ethnicity,
but socioeconomic diversity, regional diversity,
situational diversity.
And that has been a journey that we are all very excited about.
And John mentioned Tony and [? Giday ?]
really getting us off on a fantastic path here,
which I was extremely supportive of.
And the beginning of this raised the challenge,
and it puts pressure on all three
points of those triangles, because people come
from different backgrounds.
And it costs a bit more to get everybody
into the same place on the learning side.
We've been able to embrace with the generational transition
of our faculty, a fascinating new faculty base.
And attracting faculty against the top colleges
and universities around the country is expensive.
So that has cost to it.
And as those of you in the financial markets know,
it's been a pretty complicated financial markets to navigate.
As I said, this was what drew me onto the board,
because I saw it as a really interesting challenge
to get at.
And to arrive, and find Kevin Wymenar, our CFO here
who is just extraordinary.
The finance team is as good here as in any of our private equity
portfolio companies, which gives me fantastic comfort.
Our investment committee is led by an extraordinary talent,
with Amos Hostetter, Peter Nadosi, both 80 or above,
with experience that is extraordinary,
and puts us at the top ranks of investing.
And as I said, the endowment has gone very well.
But keeping those in place is a real challenge.
And so the tension between ever better programs
to make sure that the schools at the top,
while balancing the finances, is something that we really
try to work with the administration
to support on all three fronts.
I'm sure people have questions on that.
But it's been absolutely fascinating to be
on the inside.
And if it was worrying to watch from the outside,
being on the inside and seeing the debate that actually
happens, the talent that comes to bear here,
has been incredibly gratifying to be part of.
So I want to tell you a little bit
also about myself, and my day job,
and then talk a little bit about our Amherst students, which
are an amazing group of young people.
So my day job is I'm a child psychiatrist at Mass General.
I transferred into Amherst with the first group of women.
I see some others in the audience
who were in those early days, because
of when I came to Amherst.
I'm Amherst's first female physician,
which is kind of fun.
I run a program at the Mass General helping parents
who have life threatening illness
to think about the well-being of their children,
in the context of what is usually a shortened life.
During my Amherst days I was not an athlete.
I am still not an athlete.
So I feel like this is my varsity team
sport, being a member of the board of trustees.
It is a varsity level team, indeed.
I was dorm adviser.
And I met, at that time, with many alumni groups that were
very opposed to coeducation.
I can remember meeting with members of the beta society
and having one of them stand up and say, how does it feel
to have ruined Amherst College?
With the confidence of being 19 I
assured him that I didn't think that our group of women,
and all the women now who have come after us,
were ruining the college.
And a member of the class of '78 said, each of you in this room,
referring to then the alumni who were substantially
older than us.
I realized, probably younger than me now.
But they seemed really old at the time.
As far as I can tell, each one of you
relies on Amherst as a place of excellence.
And if you are not willing to draw
from 50% of the population in who you choose
you can guarantee that 25 years from now
you would have allowed Amherst to fall farther and farther
behind.
And it wouldn't be the place that you wanted it to be.
That was the beginning of his illustrious career
in advertising.
Truly.
And I felt, at that time, supported
by my fellow classmates, by the then president of the college.
And for me, coming back, in all seriousness,
though I too joke about, how did I end up here?
And in fact, at our last reunion someone said to me, boy,
aren't you surprised, out of all of us,
you're the one that's on the board of trustees?
And I said no nobody's more surprised than me.
And then the child psychiatrist in me thought,
but do you have a frontal lobe?
Because you might have kept that one to yourself.
Not really.
My greatest joy being at Amherst on the board
is really the students.
Every time we have a chance to meet with the students
they're just extraordinary.
They are excited.
They are interested.
They are interesting.
I have had the enormous pleasure of having two of our sons
attend Amherst.
And each of them grew in wonderful ways.
Scott Turow, who was on the board when I joined,
described Amherst as the place where you become yourself.
And whilst I had little perspective
when I was a student that I was becoming myself
I had the great privilege to watch
my children become themselves.
And that is really an amazing thing.
For me, there are many aspects of student life
that are interesting and important, because Amherst
is as selective and continues to be more and more selective.
I think many of us think all the time
we would never have gotten into Amherst if we had to apply now,
because it's probably true.
But when you choose from such extraordinary kids
from so many different places, it
makes one take pause about what will and won't
allow them to succeed in the way that we would wish for them.
And when you think about what gets
in the way of success emotional well-being, time management,
substance use.
There are a number of mental health and emotional well-being
issues that actually interfere with people becoming the selves
that they might best become.
And again, I would echo my colleagues here
in saying that when you are sitting here and talking
with the administration, with the faculty, with the students,
the extraordinary care that goes into this stewardship
for every child that comes, in every young adult who
comes in to Amherst College, the care that goes into hoping
to help them to become the best young adult,
and ultimately, citizen of the world, is extraordinary.
And if I could, with my magic wand, offer something to you,
it would be to allow everyone to be a fly on the wall,
to actually hear these discussions,
and to actually get an up close view of how much care
goes into this.
And I think before I was on the board,
and as I've listened to some of the comments
from the alumni body, I think it may not always be apparent,
the deep thought that goes into the process,
so that people tend to get the headlines,
because that's what's available.
But I would really wish that you could hear how
deeply and carefully around, literally,
every student the conversations unfold.
And anyone have another comment, other thoughts?
You want to talk?
Nope.
[LAUGHING]
I have no thought.
All right.
OK.
So then we're going to stop about 5 to 10 minutes
before 5:00, so that people that want
to go to the powerhouse for the reception
there can make their way in the rain.
Maybe the rain has stopped.
And so we open it up to your questions.
I wasn't going to ask this department.
Jeff, because he's class of '52, why don't you
open up your meetings if you want us to know [INAUDIBLE].
That's [INAUDIBLE] it's a good question.
I've wrote in to the board several times.
Didn't get the response.
It's a good question I have about the board.
I'm not [INAUDIBLE]
But I ask, but how many here disagree
[INAUDIBLE], with Cullen Muprhy's statement?
An you can change the characterization, if you want,
that it's clear what Lord Jeff thought, conceptually.
But as to what he did, it's not clear.
Did Eddy disagree with that?
And I'll tell you why I ask him.
It is clear.
It's not [INAUDIBLE] clear what he didn't do.
He didn't know it.
If there's evidence why the change?
We have the science.
Do you folks agree with that?
That they just forgot.
I'll take a crack at it.
OK.
I don't remember exactly what he said about that.
And I won't want to talk about what other people on the board
said, but I'll tell you what I think.
It was pretty clear that he made statement
indicating that it would generally
be a good thing if someone were to give blankets infected
with smallpox, or measles, whatever it was,
to Native Americans.
And we can debate the context in which it happened.
I know people said this in a lot of e-mails,
talking about the savagery that was going on,
on both sides of that war.
[INAUDIBLE]
Right.
But whether people acted upon it, or not, people
can disagree, because there's a historical debate.
And we have enough trouble trying
to figure out what happened in situations in 2017, what
happened a week ago.
To go back a couple hundred years
and figure out whether or not people were actually
killed as a result.
But if he said that, we could have a very significant debate
about how much you have to forgive what people did
when things change over time.
But our whole point was, if 85% of the student body
feel like having that person as an unofficial mascot
was dividing us.
And most of the faculty felt that.
And 52% of the alumni felt that--
And when I say, that's not a 52, 48 issue.
It was a 52% were against the mascot, 38% were in favor.
And there was a gap of people who said, I really don't care.
It just seemed like, why do we associate ourselves
with something that's dividing us?
If we separate ourselves from that mascot,
and let people who support the mascot have their views,
that made sense.
So I don't think we thought we could solve exactly
what happened 200 years ago.
So nobody disagreed with that statement that--
I don't think that's what he said.
What?
I don't think that's what he said.
Yeah.
It sounds like that this is something
that you want to talk with one of us--
No, I--
Let's also say-- I think one of the interesting questions
a person has to ask him or herself
when you join a group like this board
is, what exactly do you represent?
And what does your vote represent.
I think one of the most courageous political acts
in this country was with Sam Houston, who
was a Southerner, voted against secession, in US Senate.
And he said, if you read his biography.
At the time he said, I know who elected me.
I know what the citizens of my state want.
But he said, when I joined the US senate I'm not just
a senator from a certain state.
I'm representing, in a sense, the entire United States.
So whatever I thought about Lord Jeff,
or whatever I thought about the claims, the issues
that I came to when I had to think about this was,
what's in the best interest of Amherst College?
And that's a different question to answer than,
what do I think, personally?
And I voted for what I thought was in the best
interest of Amherst College.
And that's--
One is what happened to the others?
Your question.
Right.
And I think, ultimately, to be honest
with you, I don't think the first question, hundreds
of years later, really matters.
The problem is, that said, is you
have 85% of your students feeling one way.
You have your faculty feeling another way--
the same way, rather.
At some point you just have to, kind of,
say, what am I doing up here as a trustee?
I'm charged with the institution's care.
And that's, ultimately, I think the standard,
and the benchmark, that you have to make yours.
[INAUDIBLE] A vocal student body out of Saxton, Missouri.
Maybe.
We can agree to disagree.
Are there other questions?
Andy?
So I wanted to talk about something that I [INAUDIBLE]
is--
so by accident [INAUDIBLE] fairly
involved students at Amherst.
So my wife and I both, and our daughters went to Amherst.
My youngest daughter [INAUDIBLE] says that.
I'm just kidding, I know you don't want to go to Africa.
[LAUGHING]
You know that it was funny, fight everybody.
So what happened with my oldest daughter who was here--
So ninth?
Yes.
Yeah.
Captain took over.
So anyway, I was walking around--
so I ended up being a medical researcher, provisioned
by [INAUDIBLE].
So I got know him as a friend.
And one guy asked, what do you do?
[INAUDIBLE] be a technician for a couple years.
Because what happens now, unlike when
we went to college, [INAUDIBLE] many kids a couple years off.
So I ended up hiring him to work in my [INAUDIBLE].
And I'm now on my sixth consecutive Amherst student.
So I come back.
[INAUDIBLE] most of the science people.
I wasn't a very good basketball player,
but I knew how to coach.
So I know a lot of the terms.
But one of the things-- it's very true.
[LAUGHING]
[INAUDIBLE] Jeff [INAUDIBLE].
Anyway, the thing that I did notice
was when I came back a couple weeks
ago to interview students.
So the kind of research I do is so different than what's
at Amherst.
The reality is Amherst can only do more basic level research.
It's a college, not a university.
And so they work on microorganisms.
There's a lot of what's called [INAUDIBLE]
So as interviewed him, and I told him I do all these things,
and I do the [INAUDIBLE].
He said, that's really cool.
I have no idea that's that what they do at Missouri.
And so the thing that I'm thinking about is,
it's quite a challenge to be a liberal arts college.
And I have a friend at MIT who's a trustee candidate.
And he is [INAUDIBLE].
At Amherst, and all these schools, very exceptional.
But the question is, how do you bridge the gap?
I think, is one of the questions,
because what you get exposed to is partly
what drives your future.
And how do you increase that?
So I have a simple thought to think about, and I [INAUDIBLE].
What I would suggest that you consider,
because obviously we don't want to be a vocational school.
What makes a great liberal arts.
But of all these fields, whether it be law,
whatever, business, is that maybe
there could be a senior level seminar
series where you pair a professor and an alumnus.
And then each week they bring in an alumnus in a certain area,
and you have a seminar, you have dinner,
and you hang out, and talk.
Because I was just so struck by these people.
Gee that's really cool, chemistry
I would never think that we could actually
do that and this.
And so I think that's the real challenge.
But I think one of the big challenges
for Amherst, and for people in the future,
is how do you link it?
So this might be a way to link alumni, in whatever area.
But also to gain some insight into the potentialities,
how you go about doing?
I mean, I spent a lot of time with these [INAUDIBLE]
the better [INAUDIBLE].
And that no you can't expect everyone to be smart,
and all that kind of stuff.
But anyway, I think that's just a thought to think about.
Thank you for sharing it.
And we will connect it with the faculty.
Thanks.
Yes?
Hi.
I'm Jeffrey Arch, '82.
Quick question.
General question.
Do you use guiding principals to ensure
that you're a board of oversight,
versus a board of management?
Because oftentimes, just in general,
there is that tension sometimes, between board and management.
So are there guiding principals that you use,
and how do you do a sort of board
where you can eliminate that, kind of, potential tension?
I'll take that.
Just in our [INAUDIBLE] role, that's in a lot of boards.
And I think the guiding principal
that we use, which is a very, very simple one here,
is noses in, fingers out.
It's a very simple way to say, it's
our responsibility to know what's
going, to understand who's responsible for what, how
are they doing, et cetera.
But keep our hands off the wheel.
And it's very simple, but it guides all boards.
And I think this board does it incredibly well.
And the challenge would be, and essentially all of us
said it, from different perspectives,
we have extremely capable administration here.
So when you get in and see that, I
don't have to say it's an easy job, because deal
with very complex topics, and not
everyone agrees all the time.
And so the second fundamental thing
I'd say, in mention of the board,
is having very healthy, open debate in the boardroom,
and speak as one voice when you leave the boardroom.
And so topics like we just touched on,
it's a very healthy debate.
And I would say to alums, the one thing
that people should not think is that when someone mentions,
have you thought about x?
Or I can't believe you don't think about y.
I'll promise you, it gets thought about.
It gets talked about.
And it gets aired very actively.
And the dialogue is very open.
So people are comfortable with healthy doses of conflict,
and confrontation, and contention.
But we do come, as John summarized
well, we speak as one voice when we leave the room.
And that, I think, fits our roles of being stewards,
know what needs to get done.
Make sure we have the best people in place.
The board has, really, one main one employee,
which is the president of the college.
And the president of the college needs to hire their team.
And we're always just making sure we
have the best president there.
We get a lot of visibility to the rest of the team,
and be supportive sounding boards for them.
And I say the structure of the board
works incredibly well with our chair, our president,
our board, and all the faculty that we get to see.
I would also say that, because really,
essentially everybody comes to every board meeting,
having read a three ring binder that's full,
and many things that occur in between.
And so I think the board is small enough,
the terms are long enough , that there's a culture of the board.
And I believe that every person that comes in
is affected by that intense culture of the nose in
and hands out.
I like that.
Yes?
[INAUDIBLE] ask each of you, when
you came onto the board, what did
you consider to be the biggest challenge for Amherst.
And what do you consider today to be the biggest
challenge of Amherst?
Yeah.
I'm going to start at the other end of the table.
[LAUGHING]
Go ahead, Pat.
I'll tell you what I think is the biggest challenge that
remains and reflects larger society,
is how we deal with people who disagree vehemently.
And I just think we live in a world in which people
turn on one set of cable news channels
to hear what they think repeated back to them,
and hear people who think like they do, and go out and say,
I'm right.
And they don't look at the other cable news channel,
on both sides of the debate.
And I think it's very unhealthy.
If you look at any of the old crossfire.
And you watch, people don't debate,
they just yell at each other, and sort of live in that world.
I think Amherst is especially important,
and to try to make sure that in our diversity we help
have a diversity of thought.
And not diversity of thought, having polarizing views,
yell at each other.
But try to make sure that we bring in people
that have healthy discussions.
I think one of the things we were reflecting on
in the last board meeting, there's
been a lot of that going on quietly.
But Jeb Bush came to campus, I think it went very, very well.
Rich Lowry from the National Review came to campus
and went very well.
So I think we want Amherst to be a place where there is not
a monopoly of views.
But it's not just to bring in one person
to yell or be yelled at, but to have
a broader diversity of thought.
I think that sums it up pretty well, don't you?
[LAUGHING]
So let me take two of Pat's comments
and knit them together.
When I was on the search committee that found Biddy,
we spent a lot of time talking to all
the various constituents.
And I was up here, probably, 8 to 10 times meeting
with student groups.
And it was astonishing how consistently the students
said to three or four of us on the search committee that
were at these sessions that what they really wanted
was to have the school help them, have the college help
them, kind of, learn from each other.
How to help them to, kind of--
and Pat said-- it wasn't 20 years that he realized this.
But he said how much he learned outside the classroom.
These kids today are very cognizant of that.
They're cognizant.
They like the diversity.
It's what attracts them here.
And they're trying to figure out how
they can use that diversity to their intellectual and personal
advantage, their personal growth.
And so I think that's the biggest challenge we face,
is helping them.
And to the extent that we do that we will also
touch on Pat's more recent point, which is,
I think Amherst can be a place where
people from very different backgrounds,
very different beliefs, can learn
to exist together in harmony and to express themselves
appropriately.
And I think if they do that here they'll
do that in their future adult lives,
and influence their communities.
And Lord knows we need adults out there
who can talk with each other not at each other.
So I see that challenge is to help these kids.
And we need to be intentional about how
we can help them to get to that point in their lives.
I couldn't say it better.
I've only been on two years.
So I mentioned the financial dynamic,
which was the thing that I thought
was the biggest challenge.
It is still something that I'd say is in the top few issues
we will continue to manage, going forward.
My first board meaning was the Jeff mascot,
and the post Amherst uprising.
So I thought, wow, there's a lot going on here.
And I thought, those are big challenges.
But not that far into it I totally
agree with what Pat and John said,
which is, what I think everyone can see from the outside looks
like tumult going on, and is a challenge.
I view it as very different.
It's a crucible of change going on in society, and for all
these various forms.
And I really do the broadest definition of diversity
that we're going through.
The most exciting thing is, I think, as a recruiter,
these are the people I want to recruit.
And whether it's into business, or government, or academia,
or anywhere, you want people that can deal with difference,
and embrace it, and find the opportunities in it.
And there's just not many of those places around today
with the little micro-bubbles that exist
in internet communication.
And so I think, as challenging as it may be,
and I watched my daughter go through this.
And there's times I said, boy, you're here at a tough time.
Then I say, but it must have been really tough to be here
during Vietnam, during co-education, when
the fraternities were removed.
There's always something.
So we can look and say, god, it's so tough right now.
This is just one more form of tough.
And that's the way the world is.
So I think it's fantastic, the crucible they're going through.
And I think they're going to be all the better for it.
I think when I started on the board number one, for me,
was how do we make sure that a liberal arts education, which
I deeply, deeply believe in, continues
to be seen as valuable as I believe it is, as many of us
believe it is, and in a changing world?
Even more so, I think the integration
of science and humanities has never been
more important than it is now.
And I think I am rotating off the board, first feeling
that the college is in extraordinarily good hands,
but continuing to have the sense that young people coming
of age, at this time, in the life of the world,
have a lot of challenges in front of them.
And I continue to feel for them, in terms
of their emotional health and well-being.
And that is not particularly about those at Amherst.
But those who are 18 to 22 and older.
So that's where my mind goes.
I want to welcome Kim Leary, who was caught in traffic instead
of being up here.
I invite you up, if you want to come sit with us.
Come on up.
Can I not only put you on the spot
and ask you for some perspective on your first year
on the board?
Sure.
Well, I'm delighted to be here.
And I apologize for being caught in that traffic.
You know, in joining the board, and in getting
to know Amherst in this new way, I
would say that what stood out the most for me is that we
each have our own Amherst.
We know the classes just ahead, just behind.
But when you are a member of the board,
you have a chance to, kind of, see
the arc of Amherst over many, many years and generations.
And the first year, at least for my first year,
I've spent it, sort of, trying to listen and learn
across those generations.
And as my colleagues have said, I
think the most exciting part of being on the board
is also being able to see the college
through the eyes of the students who are here now.
The questions, the concerns, the challenges
that they're facing now.
We map those, I think, inevitably
onto our own experience.
But just as we were talking about, being
able to tolerate difference, and being
able to hold different points of view,
also involves having a whole different Amherst in mind,
as we sit on the board.
And to think about where Amherst, in the future,
will be, and looking at the young ones in the room,
and thinking about what college they will inherit.
And that responsibility, I think,
means that you come onto the board in a very
humble position, and trying to take the position of a learner.
Last question.
It's more of a comment, than a question.
I've [INAUDIBLE] college president for 22 years.
Worked with a lot of trustees over that time.
First of all, I want to thank you.
Thank you.
Amherst trustees, meeting as often
as you do, everyone showing up, it's extraordinary,
it's unusual.
Believe in me, in a few thousand plus colleges and universities
of America, it's extraordinary, it's unusual.
Second, you mentioned that the most important job,
and it really is the most important jobs,
board of trustees, you just picked a new president.
And one should never forget that.
Everything goes through the president.
And that gets me to my other comment, which is, Amherst is--
and knows, it's a wonderful place now.
In many ways it's a much more wonderful place
than it was 50 years ago, when I was an undergrad.
I loved it then.
But presidents are sitting at the intersection
of all these changes.
And oftentimes they involve visits to emergency rooms.
They involve suicides.
They involve horrible challenges.
People have no sense of all the kinds of pressures
that can come after presidents.
So last comment is, the board is very, very important
to have the president's back, and insulate the president,
and to be a place that a president can
talk to everybody about it.
And say, hey I talked to faculty about things.
They can't talk to students about something.
And you need a board that needs to be
a place that the president can talk with 100% confidence.
So I thank you for what you're for Amherst.
Thanks a lot.
Thank you.
Thank you.
[APPLAUSE]
And now to the powerhouse.
And you can thank the president herself.
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