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Often there simply wasn't enough time to get to the shelters.
And when there wasn't, Erika clung to her teddy even tighter.
The constant rumbling in the night comprised some of her earliest memories.
Pressed together, her mother's sweet scent soon associated with the trauma; a hug in
the daytime could conjure images of the bunker, a corruption of motherly love.
And so the teddy became a talisman of survival.
Emerging from one of Berlin's U-Bahns or her basement in the morning was further proof;
the teddy saved her life.
The radio declared that allied forces were trying to destroy her spirit.
If the city fell, everything would be destroyed (8).
But total resistance would pull them through.
"The people and leadership", were, "determined to take the most radical measures," for
the survival of the Reich (8).
But Erika's nights underground remained.
The radio voices became more hysteric, and eventually, silent.
And that's when the smells arrived.
The stench of Berlin's buildings, its streets, the foreign men, filth and vodka.
"Frau, komm" they would yell at any girl or woman they found.
Erika remembered when they snarled it at her own mother; she held her teddy extra tight.
Some time later, as Erika looked over the city from a rooftop, her heart sank.
A single aircraft approached, flying low, coming towards her building as had so many
others.
This time, separated from her mom and her teddy, she looked directly at that which gave
her fear.
As the plane passed, it dropped its load, attached to a parachute.
Had they always drifted so calmly?
"Let's go up to my apartment.
It's only a few ruins away from here" "No.
No.
I'd rather not."
"This is a beastly thing to do, but you must understand what happened to us here.
We've all become animals with exactly one instinct left: self-preservation."
The first way the allies tried to topple Berlin was destruction by air.
After a couple scattered attempts by the Royal Air Force in 1940 and 1941, a deliberate strategy
to knock out Germany's industrial center was waged by the US Air Force and RAF between
1943 and 1944.
More than 33,000 tons were dropped on the heart of the regime (1, 531).
And 70% of the city center was decimated (2,5).
Part of the British and American motivation was retribution for the terror of the London
Blitz, another the belief that continued pressure from the air would actually force German capitulation
(7).
It didn't.
Instead, while fighting men were absent and a majority of party members escaped to the
country, some of the most vulnerable were left to absorb the air raids.
Of the roughly 2.5 million people remaining after the fall of Berlin, a good number of
them were children, and at least 800,000 were non-Germans, forced laborers marched in from
the Eastern Front (2,5;1,533).
Ultimately it wasn't American or British soldiers who conquered Berlin, rather it was
the third of the 'big three' allies, the Soviets.
When the Germans invaded the Soviet Union in June of 1941, they caused massive suffering
as they made their way towards Moscow and Stalingrad.
Now, repelling Germans behind their own border in 1945, the Soviets saw their chance for
revenge.
Inside what their leadership told them was, 'the lair of the fascist beast', they
set about inflicting violence on the civilian population the same as the Germans had to
theirs.
For Berlin's women, this meant hearing the dreaded words, 'Frau, komm', 'Woman,
come', for months on end.
There was no love lost between the Germans and their occupiers in any of the four occupation
zones, Soviet, American, British, or French - each of whom snatched material and academics
for their own interests - but Berliners in particular developed strong animosity against
the Soviets, who beyond sexual violence, emptied museums and libraries, kidnapped scientists,
left dead unburied, and reopened concentration camps to imprison tens of thousands (1,649;3;10*;11*).
German public opinion didn't matter.
Soviets expected the Americans would abandon Germany and leave it in the Soviet sphere
of influence within months.
Though Berlin lay deep inside the Soviet zone, it was divided into four occupation sections
just like the rest of Germany.
But two full months would pass after the war before the US, UK, and France would be allowed
to enter the occupied city, and only then through a single road and railway (12).
When they finally did, they found what American General Clay called, "a city of the dead"
(4,44).
Half of all buildings uninhabitable, most coal extracted to the Soviet Union, and hungry
women clearing rubble (4,45).
A story circulated of a man with a white cane who lured Berlin's children to a basement
then butchered them for meat on the black market (5,103;1,639).
And Berliners had no reason to love Americans and Brits.
They had, after all, contributed to the situation by dropping tons of explosives on the city.
In this case, the only advantage the Americans had was that they simply weren't the Soviets.
The suspicion was mutual.
Many incoming soldiers had lost friends in Germany just months prior.
And American military brass had trouble distinguishing German political leaders left of center, even
pro-democracy ones, from members of the communist party.
The four-power division made post-war Berlin an anomaly; a place where you could go from
Soviet to American influence by simply walking across the street.
But change was on the way.
Berliners held their first citywide elections after the end of the war in October of 1946.
Realizing they would lose a fair election fight, the Soviets forced the consolidation
of the Social Democrats and the Communists in their sector, creating the Socialist Unity
Party, or SED (1,643).
This was quickly followed by a charm offensive.
As Ann and John Tussa wrote in their book on the Berlin Airlift:
"The Soviet authorities announced that at the request of the SED they would issue fruit
and vegetables throughout the city.
This sudden shower of greengrocery came in addition the drink available to all and sundry
in SED offices, the notebooks distributed to schoolchildren, and the coal briquettes
stamped "SED" which passers-by received with more enthusiasm than traditional party
pamphlets," (4,74).
But charm also came with intimidation.
For a family in the American sector like Erika's, electricity from the Russian-controlled power
grid would reduce substantially in the weeks before the vote.
At best, friends and relatives associated with the Social Democrats would have any political
events shut down by Soviet authorities; at worst, they would simply disappear into the
night.
Any yet, when over 92% of Berliners cast their ballots in October 1946, they handed the Soviets
and their preferred SED a shocking blow.
Not only did SED receive a modest 19% of the vote, but the Social Democrats, the very party
SED tried to force into their ranks citywide, pulled in 48.7% of the vote (13).
Even in neighborhoods of Berlin that had been Communist strongholds before the war, the
SED pulled only a third of their pre-war level- the resentment of the Soviet occupation, particularly
among women voters, weighed them down heavily (1,644).
Berliners in the years after the war had always favored a government which offered "economic
security" over democracy and "free elections" (5,98).
And in a city cut off from the rest of the world, the Soviets were best equipped to offer
it.
But in these 1946 elections, Berliners took a step towards self-determination, even with
consistent Soviet intimidation.
It was one step on a difficult march they would take together, with many violent days
and hungry nights to follow.
The Soviets learned from their experience of the 1946 elections: harsher measures would
be needed to push the westerners out of Berlin; the illusion of allied government was breaking
down.
Berliners may have sensed that their position was precarious; they had certainly seen a
map with their partitioned city deep in the Soviet territory, but they couldn't have
known how bad it really was.
Since demobilization of American forces at the war's end, only 6,500 American troops
remained in Berlin, 60,000 total on the European continent.
Of those, 50,000 were administrative (5,142;1,662).
The Soviets, on the other hand, hosted 400,000 in the vicinity of Berlin alone, simply waiting
for the right moment to overrun the other sectors of the city.
Many predicted that a third world war was imminent.
To make matters worse, Germans in Western sectors were starving on rations of 900 to
a 1,000 calories per day.
With troops outside the city border, and hungry Berliners inside, Soviet confidence was growing.
But Western powers, and more importantly, Berliners weren't ready for compromise.
The US and Great Britain went about creating a combined governing zone in their sectors
of Germany, soon to be joined by France.
The Americans also announced the Marshall Plan, the equivalent of $100 billion in today's
dollars, for economic recovery of Western Europe, West German sectors included (4,95;14).
And it's important to recognize that like the women who cleared rubble of the destroyed
city, or voters who chose a democratic party in 1946 elections, Berliners were taking agency
for their city's future.
March 18th saw a 30,000 strong pro democracy and pro German unity rally at the Reichstag
(4,101).
And it wouldn't be the last.
They may have been pawns in a geopolitical game, but they were going to move themselves
across the board.
Therefore, it should not have been a surprise when just 2 months later, Berliners started
to fight back in extraordinary ways.
Anyone on the streets of Berlin may have noticed a shift in Soviet behavior as 1948's spring
turned to summer.
What General Clay described in a diplomatic cable to Washington as a 'subtle change
in Soviet attitude' over issues of German unification and currency was felt by Berliners
as a spike in intimidation (1,660).
Indeed, a showdown was approaching.
The Soviets had been occasionally turning back allied transports into Berlin (a 'missing
permit' here, a 'railroad delay' there), but on June 24, 1948, they took a drastic
step.
Under the pretext of 'bridge repairs', they cut off all of Berlin from the West.
They severed rail connections, blocked barges on the Elbe river, and impeded automobile
traffic (1,662;2,32).
With only a month and a half of food supplies left in western sectors of Berlin, it was
time for a quick decision of what to do.
There remained just one farfetched option for supplying the Berlin: an airlift.
Most, like General Clay, saw it as a stop gap to postpone confrontation with the Soviets
by days, maybe weeks.
But he wasn't going to try it unless he thought Berliners were on board.
He called in Ernst Reuter, the mayor-elect of Berlin and outspoken former communist (17,Ch3).
Upon explaining the wild idea of transporting food and fuel by air - that at best, Berliners
would be cold and hungry, Clay waited for Reuter's reaction (2,44).
Reuter, with deliberate voice responded: "Do what you are able to do; we shall do what
we feel to be our duty.
Berlin will make all necessary sacrifices and offer resistance - come what may," (16,203).
The Berlin Airlift had begun.
As predicted, the effort to supply Berlin by air was met with immediate problems.
Problem 1: Planes and Politics.
For the initial days of the lift starting in late June, 96 American C-47's were available
(6,42;2,41).
C-47 were reliable planes, but most were old; some still bore the markings they acquired
for the D-Day invasion in 1944.
Berlin's basic food and fuel minimum was 4,500 tons per day, but the totals for late
June fell far below that: each day, roughly 500 tons were brought in by the Air Force
and RAF (2,62).
The C-47's, with their limited capacity of 3 and a half tons would simply never be
enough to supply the city, and so an immediate order was sent out for all available C-54's
and their crews to make the journey from around the world to the bases in West Germany (2,55).
The C-54's could carry 10 tons, more than double the capacity of the C-47's, and could
be unloaded in a similar time frame.
52 of these so-called 'Skymasters' were transferred in from as far away as Alaska
and Hawaii to meet the needs of Berlin (5,238;4,157).
The 80 tons carried in by C-47's on day one of the lift was surpassed with the help
of C-54's to 1,500 tons per day three weeks later (4,67).
But 1,500 was still far below the minimum tonnage for survival, and with ever varying
demands, from milk to X-ray film, feminine hygiene products -even paper for printing
presses, leadership soon realized that more C-54's would be needed.
This leads us to the 'politics' half of the 'planes and politics' problem.
In an election year, the American public was mixed on the merits of the airlift.
The military and political class were as well.
The National Security Council assessed in July that continuing the airlift after October
would be a waste.
And so they denied General Clay's request for 75 additional C-54's.
In fact, they began to plan how they might concede to the Soviets after evacuating personnel
and family from the besieged city (5,239).
To the surprise of all, they were overruled by the President himself, who seemed to recognize
the significance of the airlift for avoiding all-out war in Europe.
"Truman realized that the Berlin crisis was a political war, not a physical military
war," Clay said in an interview years later (18).
Berliners recognized the moment too, which is how they helped to solve problem number
2: Logistics of 'a cowboy operation'.
About 30,000 Berliners were already working to unload the planes of the airlift, often
only paid with a hot meal (4,267).
Work was done manually, as there wasn't space for pulleys or conveyor belts inside
the planes (4, 260).
When word went out that a third airfield would be constructed to increase the number of planes
flying into Berlin, 17,000 volunteered.
They worked 24 hours a day for 90 days, using rubble to build the new runway ahead of schedule
(1,667).
Those who didn't work unloading or constructing simply congregated near Tempelhof and Gatow
airports to observe the operation; planes dipped near apartment buildings as they approached
the urban airports.
The scale of the airlift was impressive.
Berliner's opinions of the occupiers were changing fast.
An extra airstrip at Tegel was only part of the reason the daily tonnage started to tick
up.
In mid-August, General William H. Tunner was brought in to resolve outstanding logistical
issues plaguing the airlift (2,90).
He was immediately appalled by the congestion and risk as planes tried to takeoff and land
at Tempelhof airport.
He even witnessed a crash there on a rainy day.
With only three air corridors going in and out of Berlin, pilots and crew were crashing
on a semi regular basis.
Tunner called it a 'real cowboy operation'.
His changes were meticulous and immediate.
Planes had a single attempt to land.
If they failed, they left Berlin and went straight back to base in West Germany.
This created a conveyor belt effect, with planes landing like clockwork every three
minutes (2,91).
Planes flew to Berlin along two corridors at assigned altitudes, and all departed through
the third.
Crews were to stay in their aircraft after landing, guided by a jeep to the area where
the locals unloaded supply, while attractive Berlin Frauleins offered snacks and drink
(5,259;1,664).
With the new system plane time on the ground reduced by two-thirds, the real number of
planes landing and leaving Berlin went from 69,000 in July to 139,000 in September (1,666).
While tonnages began to actually reflect the needs of the city under the leadership of
Tunner, another problem - problem three reared its head: winter was coming.
Even with Tunner's new logistics seeing success in August and September, Berlin's
approaching winter would present notoriously harsh weather conditions.
Visibility was likely to be low, while the chance of ice forming on plane engines quite
high.
Further, the city would desperately need coal to keep transportation running, and houses
warm.
Soviet authorities expected winter to break the population.
In October it was announced that there would be a 90% drop in the coal allotment for the
winter, a measly 22.7 kilos, roughly 50 pounds (5,342).
Fog rolled in around November 1st, forcing 5,000 fewer landings in Berlin that month
(1,666).
By December, Berliners were freezing in their homes, and the airlift was on the cliffedge
of failure.
But once again, Berliners took agency of their own future.
4 and half months into the airlift, and with winter settling in, western sectors voted
once again for the city government.
In the weeks leading up to the election, Soviet authorities tried to intimidate them out of
voting.
They tore down democratic party posters (4,291).
They threatened to occupy the western sectors.
They told the people that any vote was a choice - a choice to bring back the air raids that
destroyed their city just years prior.
Paramilitary groups were formed in the eastern sector, ready to stage a coup of the city
government.
The world wanted to know if Berlin would stand for self-determination.
If all the effort to overcome the blockade was worthwhile.
And in this extraordinary footage from the MovieTone archive, you'll see Berliner's answer:
On December 5th, 1948, 86% of eligible voters participated in a secret and fair ballot.
They chose their government.
They chose a long winter.
The airlift continued into the new year, and on each ice cold day, the true nature of Berliners
was displayed.
Those who eagerly awaited an hours electricity in the middle of the night, a watery cup of
ration coffee, or a few minutes huddled around a radiator at a communal heating center (4,304).
Food was wrapped in wool and packed away to keep warm.
Fathers tucked away stale bread in their overalls to eat during long days on the job.
Mothers cooked by candlelight and gave their rations to their children.
(4,271).
Neighbors came together; their bodies warmed small rooms as they communed.
The people of Berlin did not break.
On a still morning close to Christmas, Erika climbed the stairs of her apartment building.
Then she saw it- a single aircraft approached, flying low, coming towards her building as
had so many others.
This time, separated from her mom and her teddy, she looked directly at that which gave
her fear.
The small parachute floated down.
She unpacked the handkerchief, and found inside two sticks of gum and a chocolate bar.
Since July, American crews had been dropping candy out of their planes for the children
of Berlin.
Erika finally had her share.
The exact planes which brought destruction to her life every night now brought her joy.
Spring would come, and Berlin would survive.
60 years later, in an interview with a history magazine, Gail Halvorsen, the first American
to drop candy over Berlin told the story of a remarkable gift (9).
After landing at Tempelhof, a mother and her young daughter approached.
The girl tried to give him her teddy bear.
"I can't take your bear," he told her.
In pausing English, the girl explained that her father had died in the war.
"My daughter thinks it saved her life during the bombing of Berlin" the mother said.
"- in the air raid shelter or, if we didn't have time, in the basement.
She had this teddy bear every time and held it tight...She's convinced it saved her
life, and she wants to give it to you."
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